Podcast Sejarah

Sistem Perhambaan Amerika

Sistem Perhambaan Amerika


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Memetik Kapas Di Bawah Sistem Penolak

Ilustrasi gambar oleh Lisa Larson-Walker. Foto ihsan Perpustakaan Kongres.

Artikel ini melengkapkan Episode 6 Sejarah Perhambaan Amerika, perdana kami Akademi Slate. Sila sertai Batu tulisJamelle Bouie dan Rebecca Onion untuk sekolah musim panas yang berbeza. Untuk mengetahui lebih lanjut dan mendaftar, lawati Slate.com/Academy.

Jenis perbudakan yang dihadapi oleh Charles Ball, seorang lelaki perbudakan dari Maryland ke kebun kapas di Congaree, Carolina Selatan, dan yang muncul di perbatasan awal abad ke-19 abad ke-30 memang baru.

Selama berabad-abad perbudakan di Dunia Baru telah berkembang dengan proses perpanjangan: menambahkan budak baru, membersihkan ladang baru dari pulau gula berikutnya. Perbatasan barat daya berkembang - sebahagiannya - melalui strategi yang serupa, walaupun pada skala geografis yang belum pernah terjadi sebelumnya: Ia bukan sebuah pulau, tetapi kawasan pedalaman kaya benua yang dilucuti dari penduduknya. Dan bukan hanya batalion, tetapi seluruh pasukan hamba dipindahkan ke tanah baru. Menjelang tahun 1820, orang kulit putih telah mengangkut lebih dari 200,000 orang yang diperbudak ke perbatasan baru di Selatan sejak tahun 1790.

Apa yang membuat migrasi paksa ini benar-benar berbeza adalah bahawa ia menyebabkan peningkatan produktiviti secara berterusan bagi setiap orang. Dua jalan keluar dari perangkap Malthusian adalah dengan memasukkan lebih banyak "hektar" - tanah di luar kawasan inti perindustrian seperti Britain atau, tidak lama lagi, Amerika Syarikat timur laut - atau untuk membuat peningkatan kecekapan pengeluaran secara sistematik. Perhambaan pertama tidak menghasilkan peningkatan berterusan dalam produktiviti pekerja. Walau bagaimanapun, pada perbatasan kapas abad ke-19, pembantu memperoleh lebih banyak pengeluaran dari setiap orang yang diperbudak setiap tahun.

Punca produktiviti yang terus meningkat ini bukanlah mesin seperti alat yang sangat penting bagi kilang tekstil. Sebenarnya, anda boleh mengatakan bahawa perniagaan akhir teknologi kapas baru adalah cambuk.

Pada hari pertama pemungutan bola, dia dan tentera 170 lelaki, wanita, dan anak-anak diperbudak melewati barisan yang tidak terhitung, melalui sekelompok gumpalan yang kering dari cangkul. Di luar rimbunan pohon, matahari terbit menunjukkan bahawa ladang yang luas terbuka di luar. Di tepinya pengawas menghentikan mereka. Dia mengumumkan 11 orang sebagai "kapten" untuk hari itu, dan dari pejabatnya bernama 15 buruh untuk mengikuti masing-masing. Bola pergi bersama Simon. Menggerakkan pasukannya ke bahagian alur yang ditanam, Simon menghantar askarnya: satu orang dewasa atau dua anak ke kepala setiap barisan. Ketika Ball berbaris di kilang kapas setinggi pinggang pertama di barisannya, dia hendak mempelajari cara kerja baru, yang dimaksudkan untuk menghabiskan sebahagian besar momen bangun yang masih ada padanya di Bumi. Dia melihat Simon berturut-turut, mengangkat cangkulnya, dan mula bekerja dengan pantas di sisi alurnya. Orang lain mula melakukan perkara yang sama, dengan tergesa-gesa. Ball dapat melihat bahawa masing-masing harus memotong semua rumpai di barisan mereka tanpa merosakkan tanaman kapas. Tetapi kemudian orang yang berada di barisan berikutnya memberi amaran kepadanya bahawa tidak ada yang dibenarkan untuk ketinggalan di belakang kapten. Bola meletakkan kepalanya ke bawah dan terus cangkulnya bergerak, berusaha mengikuti rentak Simon yang sangat marah. 1

Ketika Bola membungkuk pada tanaman di bawah sinar matahari menjelang subuh, membasahi bajunya dengan embun daun kapas, dia mendapati bahawa memilih mata yang tajam, tangan yang cepat, dan koordinasi yang baik. Geser ke atas dan tangan mencengkeram daun, atau jari menusuk pada titik-titik keras "persegi" pengeringan di dasar bola. Ambil terlalu banyak, dan kekacauan serat dan batang muncul di tangan seseorang. Genggam terlalu sedikit dan jari-jari hanya memusingkan beberapa helai.

Akhirnya mencapai akhir barisan pertamanya, Ball mengosongkan karungnya ke dalam bakul besarnya sendiri. Tiba-tiba dia menyedari bahawa wanita dan juga kanak-kanak sudah berada jauh di barisan tetangga. Ketika pemilih membungkuk dengan gerakan yang lebih tergesa-gesa, tangan mereka kabur. Bukan hanya tangan kanan mereka, dalam kes terpantas, tetapi kiri mereka juga. Tetapi ketika Ball berusaha mengatur kedua tangannya untuk berfungsi, tangannya memukul seperti bahagian yang terputus. Jari-jemarinya ligat. Buat pertama kalinya sejak dia masih kecil, dia merasa di luar kawalan badannya. Kekuatan otot tidak dapat menyelesaikan tugas ini. 2

Memetik kapas tidak banyak berkaitan dengan kekuatan fizikal. Ia memecah perbezaan saiz dan jantina. Wanita kadang-kadang menjadi pemetik terpantas di kem buruh budak kapas. Pendatang muda dapat belajar memilih lebih cepat daripada orang tua mereka. Sebenarnya, Ball mendengar bahawa "seorang lelaki yang telah tiba pada usia dua puluh lima tahun sebelum dia melihat ladang kapas tidak akan, dalam bahasa pengawas, tidak akan menjadi pemetik retak.” 3

Inovasi yang paling terkenal dalam sejarah pengeluaran kapas, seperti yang diketahui oleh setiap pelajar sejarah sekolah menengah, adalah kapas kapas. Ini membolehkan pembantu membersihkan kapas sebanyak yang mereka boleh tanam dan menuai. Sejauh yang diperhatikan oleh kebanyakan sejarawan, gin adalah tempat kajian inovasi dalam penghasilan kapas berakhir - sekurang-kurangnya sehingga penemuan pemetik kapas mekanik pada tahun 1930-an, yang mengakhiri rejim pemotongan saham.

Tetapi inilah persoalan yang seharusnya ditanyakan oleh para sejarawan: Setelah budak-budak menggunakan kapas, bagaimana kemudian, penghasil perbudakan menghasilkan (atau mempunyai dihasilkan oleh tangan lain) sebanyak yang boleh dibersihkan oleh gin? Setelah gin menghancurkan kemacetan pemprosesan, had pengeluaran dan pengembangan lain dilancarkan menjadi lega baru.

Memandangkan sejumlah tawanan dalam kendali mereka sendiri, pengusaha membuat kompleks amalan kawalan buruh yang memperbudak orang yang disebut "sistem penekanan." Sistem ini meningkatkan jumlah ekar yang seharusnya ditanam oleh setiap tawanan. Pada tahun 1805, budak-budak seperti Hampton menganggap bahawa setiap "tangan" boleh cenderung dan bebas dari rumpai 5 ekar kapas setiap tahun. Setengah abad kemudian, aturan praktis telah meningkat menjadi 10 ekar "ke tangan." Pada minit pertama kerja Charles Ball telah menghadapi salah satu taktik sistem penekanan, di mana pengawas biasanya memilih kapten seperti Simon untuk "membawa barisan depan" dan mengatur langkah. 4

Kami tidak tahu siapa yang mencipta "sistem penekanan" yang banyak digunakan: sistem yang memperoleh lebih banyak pekerjaan dengan menggunakan pengawasan langsung yang menindas yang digabungkan dengan penyeksaan yang meningkat hingga ke tahap yang jauh lebih tinggi daripada yang dialami Ball sebelumnya. Tetapi itu sudah ada ketika Ball sampai ke Congaree pada tahun 1805. Inovasi dalam keganasan adalah asas sistem penekanan. Migran yang diperbudak di lapangan dengan cepat mengetahui apa yang berlaku sekiranya mereka ketinggalan atau menentang.

Di bawah cambuk, orang tidak dapat bercakap dalam ayat atau berfikir secara koheren. Mereka "menari," gemetar, mengoceh, kehilangan kawalan badan mereka. Bercakap dengan dunia putih yang lain, budak-budak telah merendahkan kerosakan yang ditimbulkan oleh cambuk pengawas. Tentu, ia mungkin menyembunyikan luka yang mendalam di kulit mangsanya, membuat mereka "gemetar" atau "menari," seperti yang dikatakan oleh budak, tetapi itu tidak mematikannya. Orang kulit putih terbuka dengan mereka yang mereka pukul mengenai tujuan cambuk. Maksudnya adalah bagaimana ia menegaskan dominasi sehingga "secara pendidikan" sehingga orang yang diperbudak akan meninggalkan harapan keberhasilan perlawanan terhadap tuntutan sistem yang mendorong. Dalam konteks sistem penekanan, cambuk sama pentingnya untuk membuat kapas tumbuh seperti sinar matahari dan hujan.

Seawal tahun 1800, budak yang menggunakan sistem penekan dapat membuat tawanan mereka mengumpulkan lebih banyak hektar kapas daripada yang dapat mereka tuai antara saat boll dibuka dan saat seseorang harus mulai menanam lagi. Memilih sekarang menjadi hambatan: bahagian proses pengeluaran kapas yang memerlukan tenaga kerja paling banyak, dan bahagian yang menentukan berapa banyak penghasil wang yang akan dihasilkan. Dan ketika Ball menemui, memilih adalah sukar, dan memilih dengan pantas sangat sukar.

Apa yang digunakan oleh enslavers adalah sistem pengukuran dan insentif negatif. Sebenarnya, seseorang harus mengelakkan eufemisme seperti itu. Enslavers menggunakan pengukuran untuk mengkalibrasi penyeksaan untuk memaksa pemetik kapas untuk mengetahui cara meningkatkan produktiviti mereka sendiri dan dengan demikian mendorong kesesakan pengambilan.

Dua puluh tahun selepas pilihan pertama Ball, Israel Campbell menjalani musim pertamanya di kem buruh hamba Mississippi. Cuba sebisa mungkin, Campbell dapat memilih tidak lebih dari 90 paun antara cahaya pertama dan gelap penuh. Tetapi pekebun, "Belfer," telah memberitahu pemuda itu bahawa minimum hariannya adalah 100 paun - dan bahawa pada hari ini dia akan "memiliki sebatan seberapa banyak yang terdapat £ pendek" dalam "draf kapas" yang tercatat di sebelah nama "Israel" di papan pengawas kelahiran Ireland. ("Draf" adalah cek yang melunasi hutang, dalam jangka waktu komersial.) Di bumi yang padat di perkebunan kapas Belfer, di antara kayu-kayu kasar dari dudukan gin dan skru pembungkus yang tergencet membersihkan kapas ke dalam bal, sejenis perakaunan berlaku. Ia menggunakan batu tulis dan kapur, balok keseimbangan, dan satu alat lagi. Dan ketika Campbell menaikkan kapasnya dalam kegelapan yang semakin meningkat, dia tahu bahawa berat badannya meninggalkan keseimbangan negatif. "Yah, Israel, kan?" Belfer berkata, bullwhip di tangan. "Saya akan menetap dengan anda sekarang." 5

Kita dapat menemui sistem perakaunan ini, yang dialami oleh Campbell and Ball, yang dilaporkan berulang kali oleh orang-orang yang dipindahkan ke ladang kapas barat daya. Orang kulit putih Selatan kadang-kadang mengakui bahawa budak menggunakan kosa kata perakaunan kredit dan debit untuk membebankan penimbangan dan sebatan — seperti doktor Natchez ini, yang pada tahun 1835 menggambarkan akhir hari pemungutan: “Pengawas bertemu dengan semua tangan dengan skala, dengan lampu , timbangan, dan cambuk. Setiap bakul ditimbang dengan teliti, dan berat kapas yang bersih diletakkan di atas papan tulis, bertentangan dengan nama pemetik. … [O] kadang-kadang wajah pemalas kelihatan jatuh ”:“ Berat badan pendek, menangis pengawas, dan mengambil cambuknya, sambil berseru, 'Langkah seperti ini, kamu bajingan malas,' atau 'Pound pendek , awak jalang. '”6

Teknik baru ini yang menghasilkan kecekapan kapas yang lebih besar secara radikal mengubah pengalaman orang yang diperbudak seperti Charles Ball dan 1 juta yang mengikutinya ke ladang kapas. Tetapi mereka juga mengubah dunia di luar bidang. Jumlah kapas yang ditanam di Selatan meningkat hampir setiap tahun dari tahun 1800, ketika orang Amerika Afrika yang diperbudak membuat 1.4 juta pound kapas, menjadi 1860, ketika mereka menuai hampir 2 miliar pound. Lapan puluh peratus dari semua kapas yang ditanam di Amerika Syarikat dieksport ke seberang Atlantik, hampir semuanya ke Britain. Kapas adalah bahan mentah terpenting dari Revolusi Perindustrian yang mencipta ekonomi dunia moden kita. Menjelang tahun 1820, kemampuan orang yang diperbudak di ladang perbatasan barat daya untuk menghasilkan lebih banyak kapas dengan kualiti yang lebih tinggi kerana kurang mendorong kebanyakan wilayah pengeluar lain keluar dari pasaran dunia. Orang Afrika Amerika yang diperbudak adalah pengeluar kapas paling cekap di dunia.

Jumlah hari pertama Charles Ball di slatenya menjadi minimum baru di akaun peribadinya. Dia faham bahawa jika dia gagal pada hari berikutnya untuk memilih sekurang-kurangnya £ 38 minimum, "ia akan menjadi sukar dengan saya. ... Saya tahu bahawa bulu pengawas akan menjadi biasa dengan punggung saya. "

Dipetik dengan izin dari Separuh Tidak Pernah Dikatakan: Perhambaan dan Pembentukan Kapitalisme Amerika oleh Edward E Baptist. Boleh didapati dari Basic Books, ahli Kumpulan Buku Perseus. Hak Cipta © 2014.

1. Charles Ball, Perhambaan di Amerika Syarikat: Naratif Kehidupan dan Pengembaraan Charles Ball … (New York, 1837), 117–119 William Grimes, Kehidupan William Grimes, Ditulis oleh Dia sendiri (New York, 1825), 25.

2. Bola, Perhambaan di Amerika Syarikat, 184–187 Solomon Northup, Dua Belas Tahun a Budak (Auburn, NY, 1853), 134–143 Anderson, Kehidupan dan Naratif, 19.

3. Bola, Perhambaan di Amerika Syarikat, 217 rujuk J. Ker to I. Baker, 19 November 1820, Ker Papers, SHC J. S. Haywood kepada Saudari yang Terhormat, 3 Mei 1839, Fol. 156, HAY A. K. Barlow kepada J. J. Phillips, 23 April 1849, Ivan Battle Papers, SHC James Harriss ke Th. Harriss, 14 September 1845, 1843-1847 Fol., Thomas Harriss Papers, Duke Jn. Kesatria ke Wm. Beall, 7 Februari 1844, 14 April 1844, Kotak 2, John Knight Papers, Duke R. B. Beverley to Robert Beverley, 3 September 1833, Beverley Papers, Mss. 1B4678a, VHS Mary Ker kepada Isaac Baker, 19 November 1820, Ker Papers, SHC.

4. William Anderson, Kehidupan dan Naratif William Anderson … (Chicago, 1857), 19 Thomas Spalding, Daftar Peladang, November 1834, 353–363 Naratif Amos Dresserdan Dua Surat dari Tallahassee, Berkaitan dengan Perlakuan Hamba (New York, 1836) Steven F. Miller, “Organisasi Buruh Perladangan dan Kehidupan Budak di Frontier Cotton: Sabuk Hitam Alabama-Mississippi, 1815–1840,” dalam Ira Berlin dan Philip D. Morgan, ed., Penanaman dan Budaya: Buruh dan Pembentukan Kehidupan Budak di Amerika (Charlottesville, VA, 1993), 155–169. Pada hubungan dengan sistem ketenteraan, lihat Michel Foucault, Disiplin dan Hukuman: Kelahiran Penjara (New York, 1977), 135–169. Dua karya yang muncul ketika buku ini diterbitkan dan banyak diperkatakan mengenai pendatang dan buruh yang diperbudak di ladang kapas termasuk: Walter Johnson, Sungai Impian Gelap (Cambridge, MA, 2013) Damian Alan Par- gas, "Di Bidang 'Tanah Aneh': Pendatang Baru yang Dibudaya dan Penyesuaian Penanaman Kapas di Antebellum South," Perhambaan dan Penghapusan 34, tidak. 4 (2013): 562–578.

5. Israel Campbell, Autobiografi, Terikat dan Percuma (Philadelphia, 1861), 33–35.


Konteks Sejarah: Perhambaan Amerika dalam Perspektif Perbandingan

Dari 10 hingga 16 juta orang Afrika yang selamat dari pelayaran ke Dunia Baru, lebih satu pertiga mendarat di Brazil dan antara 60 hingga 70 peratus berakhir di Brazil atau koloni gula di Caribbean. Hanya 6 peratus yang tiba di Amerika Syarikat sekarang. Namun pada tahun 1860, kira-kira dua pertiga dari semua hamba Dunia Baru tinggal di Amerika Selatan.

Sejak sekian lama dianggap secara luas bahawa perbudakan selatan lebih keras dan kejam daripada perbudakan di Amerika Latin, di mana gereja Katolik menegaskan bahawa hamba berhak untuk berkahwin, meminta pertolongan dari tuan yang kejam, dan membeli kebebasan mereka. Penjajah Sepanyol dan Portugis dianggap kurang dicemari oleh prasangka perkauman daripada orang Amerika Utara dan perbudakan Amerika Latin diyakini kurang tunduk pada tekanan ekonomi kapitalis yang kompetitif.

Dalam praktiknya, baik Gereja maupun pengadilan tidak memberikan banyak perlindungan kepada budak Amerika Latin. Akses ke kebebasan lebih besar di Amerika Latin, tetapi dalam banyak kes tuan membebaskan orang sakit, tua, cacat, atau budak yang tidak diperlukan untuk melepaskan diri dari tanggungjawab kewangan.

Angka kematian di kalangan hamba di Caribbean lebih tinggi satu pertiga daripada di Selatan, dan bunuh diri nampaknya jauh lebih biasa. Tidak seperti hamba di Selatan, hamba India Barat diharapkan dapat menghasilkan makanan mereka sendiri di "masa lapang" mereka dan menjaga orang tua dan orang miskin.

Perbezaan terbesar antara perbudakan di Selatan dan di Amerika Latin adalah demografi. Penduduk hamba di Brazil dan Hindia Barat mempunyai peratusan hamba wanita yang lebih rendah, kadar kelahiran yang jauh lebih rendah, dan jumlah kedatangan yang lebih baru dari Afrika. Sebaliknya, budak selatan mempunyai nisbah jantina yang sama, kadar kelahiran yang tinggi, dan populasi kelahiran Amerika.

Perhambaan di Amerika Syarikat adalah khas dalam kemampuan penduduk hamba untuk menambah bilangannya dengan pembiakan semula jadi. Di Caribbean, Guyana Belanda, dan Brazil, angka kematian budak begitu tinggi dan kadar kelahiran begitu rendah sehingga hamba tidak dapat menampung penduduk mereka tanpa import dari Afrika. Rata-rata jumlah anak yang dilahirkan pada seorang wanita hamba selatan abad kesembilan belas adalah 9.2 — dua kali lebih banyak daripada di Hindia Barat.

Di Hindia Barat, budak merupakan 80 hingga 90 peratus populasi, sementara di Selatan hanya sekitar sepertiga dari populasi yang diperbudak. Saiz ladang juga berbeza. Di Caribbean, hamba dipegang pada unit yang jauh lebih besar, dengan banyak perkebunan menahan 150 budak atau lebih. Di Amerika Selatan, sebaliknya, hanya satu hamba yang memegang seribu budak, dan hanya 125 yang memiliki lebih dari 250 hamba. Separuh daripada semua hamba di Amerika Syarikat bekerja pada unit dua puluh atau lebih sedikit hamba tiga perempat mempunyai kurang dari lima puluh.

Perbezaan demografi ini mempunyai implikasi sosial yang penting. Di Selatan Amerika, para hamba hamba tinggal di ladang mereka dan hamba-hamba berurusan dengan pemiliknya secara berkala. Sebilangan besar pekebun meletakkan pengurusan ladang, pembelian bekalan, dan pengawasan di tangan pemandu kulit hitam dan mandor, dan sekurang-kurangnya dua pertiga dari semua budak bekerja di bawah pengawasan pemandu kulit hitam. Pemilikan ketidakhadiran jauh lebih biasa di Hindia Barat, di mana pekebun sangat bergantung pada pengurus berbayar dan pada kelas orang kulit hitam dan mulat yang berbeza untuk berfungsi sebagai perantara dengan penduduk hamba.

Satu lagi perbezaan penting antara Amerika Latin dan Amerika Syarikat melibatkan konsepsi kaum. Di Amerika Sepanyol dan Portugis, muncul sistem pengkelasan kaum yang rumit. Berbanding dengan Inggeris dan Perancis, orang Sepanyol dan Portugis jauh lebih toleran terhadap percampuran antara kaum - sikap yang didorong oleh kekurangan wanita Eropah - dan mengenali pelbagai peringkat perkauman, termasuk hitam, mestizo, quadroon, dan octoon. Amerika Selatan, sebaliknya, menerapkan sistem perlumbaan dua kategori di mana mana-mana orang yang mempunyai ibu kulit hitam secara automatik dianggap hitam.


Perhambaan di Amerika

Lebih dari 12 juta orang Afrika diculik, diperbudak, dipaksa ke kapal hamba, dan dihantar dalam keadaan yang mengerikan ke Amerika. Hampir dua juta dari mereka mati dalam perjalanan kejam itu. Di atas, orang-orang yang dipenjarakan di Malawi dimasukkan ke dalam penjara "seperti hamba di kapal hamba." (Joao Silva / The New York Times / Redux.)

Bermula pada abad ke-17, lebih daripada 12 juta lelaki kulit hitam, wanita, dan anak-anak diculik, diperbudak, dan diangkut melintasi Lautan Atlantik ke Amerika Selatan, Amerika Tengah, dan Amerika Utara dalam keadaan mengerikan yang sering mengakibatkan kelaparan dan kematian. Dalam Perdagangan Budak Transatlantik, orang Afrika yang diculik dibeli oleh pedagang dari Eropah Barat sebagai ganti rum, produk kapas, senjata api, dan mesiu. Hampir dua juta orang Afrika diperkirakan telah mati semasa pelayaran kejam yang dikenali sebagai Laluan Tengah.

Ketika orang Afrika pertama dibawa ke jajahan Inggeris pada tahun 1619 dengan kapal yang berlabuh di Jamestown, Virginia, mereka mempunyai status sah sebagai hamba. Tetapi ketika sistem ekonomi wilayah menjadi lebih tertanam dalam budaya sosial, institusi perbudakan Amerika berkembang sebagai status keturunan yang kekal dan terpusat pada kaum. Sistem perhambaan Amerika berkembang dan memperkuat prasangka kaum. Sistem kasta perkauman Amerika yang berasal dari jajahan Inggeris adalah unik dalam banyak aspek dari bentuk perbudakan yang wujud di bahagian lain dunia. Di tanah jajahan Sepanyol dan Portugis, misalnya, perbudakan adalah kategori kelas, suatu bentuk penghambaan yang dilindungi, atau status individu yang dapat diatasi setelah masa kerja yang lengkap atau asimilasi ke dalam budaya yang dominan.

Realiti perbudakan Amerika sering kejam, biadab, dan ganas, dan mitologi yang terperinci dan abadi mengenai rasa rendah diri orang kulit hitam diciptakan untuk melegitimasi, mengabadikan, dan mempertahankan perbudakan. Ini tetap berlaku sepanjang Perang Saudara, Proklamasi Emansipasi 1863, dan penggunaan Pindaan Ketiga Belas pada tahun 1865.


Sejarah Ringkas Perhambaan dan Asal-usul Kepolisian Amerika

Kelahiran dan perkembangan polis Amerika dapat ditelusuri oleh banyak keadaan sejarah, undang-undang dan politik-ekonomi. Walau bagaimanapun, institusi perbudakan dan kawalan minoriti adalah dua ciri bersejarah yang lebih hebat dari masyarakat Amerika yang membentuk kepolisian awal. Rondaan hamba dan Jam Tangan Malam, yang kemudian menjadi jabatan polis moden, kedua-duanya dirancang untuk mengawal tingkah laku minoriti. Sebagai contoh, peneroka New England melantik Konstabel India untuk polis penduduk asli Amerika (National Constable Association, 1995), polis St. Louis ditubuhkan untuk melindungi penduduk dari penduduk asli Amerika di kota perbatasan itu, dan banyak jabatan polis selatan bermula sebagai rondaan hamba. Pada tahun 1704, jajahan Carolina mengembangkan rondaan hamba pertama negara. Rondaan hamba membantu menjaga ketenteraman ekonomi dan membantu pemilik tanah yang kaya dalam memulihkan dan menghukum hamba yang pada hakikatnya dianggap harta.

Polisi bukanlah satu-satunya institusi sosial yang terjerat dalam perbudakan. Perbudakan dilembagakan sepenuhnya dalam tatanan ekonomi dan undang-undang Amerika dengan undang-undang diberlakukan di kedua-dua bahagian pemerintahan negara dan nasional. Virginia, misalnya, telah membuat lebih dari 130 undang-undang hamba antara 1689 dan 1865. Bagaimanapun, perbudakan dan penyalahgunaan orang-orang warna bukan hanya urusan selatan kerana banyak yang diajar untuk mempercayai. Connecticut, New York dan koloni lain menggubal undang-undang untuk mengkriminalisasi dan mengawal budak. Kongres juga meluluskan Undang-Undang Hamba yang menjadi buruan, undang-undang yang membenarkan penahanan dan pemulangan hamba yang melarikan diri, pada tahun 1793 dan 1850. Sebagai pernyataan Turner, Giacopassi dan Vandiver (2006: 186), & ldquoth literatur dengan jelas membuktikan bahawa sistem penguatkuasaan undang-undang yang dibenarkan secara sah ada di Amerika sebelum Perang Saudara dengan tujuan khusus untuk mengawal populasi hamba dan melindungi kepentingan pemilik hamba. Kesamaan antara rondaan hamba dan kepolisian Amerika moden terlalu menonjol untuk diberhentikan atau diabaikan. Oleh itu, rondaan hamba harus dianggap sebagai pendahulu penguatkuasaan undang-undang Amerika moden. & Rdquo

Warisan perhambaan dan perkauman tidak berakhir setelah Perang Saudara. Malah dapat dikatakan bahawa keganasan yang melampau terhadap orang-orang kulit menjadi lebih buruk dengan munculnya kumpulan-kumpulan waspada yang menentang Pembinaan Semula. Oleh kerana vigilantes, secara definisi, tidak mempunyai pengekangan luaran, massa lynch mempunyai reputasi yang wajar untuk menggantung minoriti terlebih dahulu dan bertanya kemudian. Kerana tradisi perbudakannya, yang bertumpu pada rasionalisasi rasis bahawa orang kulit hitam adalah manusia, Amerika mempunyai sejarah panjang dan memalukan untuk menganiaya orang-orang warna, lama setelah berakhirnya Perang Saudara. Mungkin kumpulan pengawas Amerika yang paling terkenal, Ku Klux Klan bermula pada tahun 1860-an, terkenal kerana menyerang dan memukul lelaki kulit hitam kerana melakukan pelanggaran yang tidak akan dianggap sebagai jenayah sama sekali, sekiranya seorang lelaki kulit putih melakukan mereka. Lynching berlaku di seluruh daerah bukan hanya di Selatan. Akhirnya, pada tahun 1871 Kongres meluluskan Ku Klux Klan Act, yang melarang pelaku negara untuk melanggar Hak Sivil semua warganegara sebahagiannya kerana penguatkuasaan undang-undang & penglibatan rsquo dengan kumpulan terkenal. Perundangan ini, bagaimanapun, tidak membendung gelombang penyalahgunaan kaum atau etnik yang berlanjutan hingga tahun 1960-an.

Walaupun memiliki kulit putih tidak mencegah diskriminasi di Amerika, menjadi putih pasti menjadikan etnik minoriti lebih mudah untuk berasimilasi ke arus perdana Amerika. Beban perkauman tambahan menjadikan peralihan itu lebih sukar bagi mereka yang kulitnya hitam, coklat, merah, atau kuning. Tidak sedikit pun kerana tradisi perbudakan, orang kulit hitam telah lama menjadi sasaran penyalahgunaan. Penggunaan rondaan untuk menangkap budak yang melarikan diri adalah salah satu pendahulu pasukan polis formal, terutama di Selatan. Warisan bencana ini berlanjutan sebagai elemen peranan polis walaupun setelah berlakunya Akta Hak Sivil 1964. Dalam beberapa kes, gangguan polis hanya bermaksud orang keturunan Afrika lebih cenderung dihentikan dan disoal oleh polis, semasa di Ekstrem lain, mereka telah mengalami pemukulan, dan bahkan pembunuhan, di tangan polis Putih. Pertanyaan masih timbul hari ini mengenai jumlah orang keturunan Afrika yang tidak seimbang yang dibunuh, dipukul, dan ditangkap oleh polis di bandar-bandar besar di Amerika.

Victor E. Kappeler, Ph.D.
Dekan Bersekutu dan Profesor Yayasan
Pusat Pengajian Keadilan
Universiti Kentucky Timur


Gambaran keseluruhan

Di Selatan, di mana perbudakan orang kulit hitam diterima secara meluas, penentangan untuk mengakhiri perbudakan berlanjutan selama satu abad lagi setelah berlakunya Pindaan Ketiga Belas pada tahun 1865.

Hari ini, 150 tahun selepas Proklamasi Emansipasi, sangat sedikit yang dilakukan untuk mengatasi warisan perbudakan dan maknanya dalam kehidupan kontemporari. Di banyak komuniti seperti Montgomery, Alabama & # 8212 yang menjelang tahun 1860 adalah ibu kota perdagangan hamba domestik di Alabama & # 8212 ada sedikit pemahaman tentang perdagangan hamba, perbudakan, atau usaha lama untuk mempertahankan hierarki perkauman yang diciptakan hamba.

Sebenarnya, naratif alternatif telah muncul di banyak masyarakat Selatan yang merayakan era perbudakan, menghormati penyokong dan pembela utama perbudakan, dan menolak untuk mengakui atau menangani masalah yang diciptakan oleh warisan perbudakan.

Perhambaan di Amerika: Perdagangan Budak Montgomery mendokumentasikan perhambaan Amerika dan peranan penting Montgomery dalam perdagangan hamba domestik. Laporan itu adalah sebahagian daripada projek EJI yang difokuskan untuk mengembangkan pemahaman yang lebih tepat mengenai sejarah perkauman Amerika dan bagaimana ia berkaitan dengan cabaran semasa.

EJI percaya bahawa perdamaian dengan masa lalu negara kita yang sukar tidak dapat dicapai tanpa menghadapi sejarah dengan benar dan mencari jalan maju yang bijaksana dan bertanggungjawab.

Filem pendek animasi karya seniman terkenal Molly Crabapple, dengan narasi oleh Bryan Stevenson, menggambarkan bagaimana mitologi perbezaan kaum yang diciptakan untuk membenarkan dan mengekalkan perbudakan berkembang setelah penghapusan.

Inisiatif Keadilan Sama, & # 8220Slavery di Amerika: The Montgomery Slave Trade & # 8221 (2018).


Sejarah perhambaan kekal bersama kita hari ini

Sekarang bahawa perlumbaan utama Demokratik telah menyempit kepada dua calon lelaki kulit putih yang lebih tua, penganalisis politik mula memusatkan perhatian pada kesetiaan pengundi Afrika Amerika, yang merupakan inti dari markas Parti Demokrat. Sebilangan orang berpendapat bahawa sokongan orang Afrika Amerika terhadap Joe Biden kurang bergantung pada kepercayaan mereka kepadanya, daripada kepercayaan mereka terhadap kesediaan pengundi kulit putih untuk memilih wanita, orang yang berwarna atau progresif.

Alasan ini menunjukkan bahawa pengundi Afrika Amerika membuat pilihan politik yang pragmatik berdasarkan pemahaman tentang kegigihan perkauman anti-hitam dalam masyarakat kita, kadang-kadang menentukan calon kulit putih yang mereka anggap paling tidak keberatan dengan pengundi kulit putih sementara menyebabkan orang Amerika Afrika paling tidak merugikan .

Untuk memahami di mana kita berada sekarang, kita perlu memahami akar perkauman anti-hitam yang mendalam dalam sejarah Amerika.

Sebagai ideologi yang kuat, perkauman tidak tetap statis atau terbentuk tetapi berubah bentuk dan berubah secara historis, melalui wacana dan institusi hukum dan agama. Proses ini sendiri membimbing dan mengubah politik, ekonomi, dan akhirnya perjalanan sejarah Amerika. Yang termaktub dalam undang-undang dari zaman awal kita, ironinya, penubuhan sebuah republik di Amerika Syarikat yang memberikan kepentingan politik dan undang-undang utamanya kerana secara langsung mengaitkan kewarganegaraan dengan keputihan.

Menjelang awal abad ke-18, peneroka di tanah jajahan Sepanyol, Perancis dan Inggeris di Dunia Baru semuanya telah membezakan perbezaan kaum menjadi undang-undang. Orang Afrika pertama tiba di Havana kira-kira 100 tahun sebelum 1619, dan di Louisiana sedikit lebih dari 100 tahun selepas 1619. Tetapi di ketiga-tiga tempat itu, pada awal tahun 1700-an, penjajah Eropah telah mengikat diri mereka pada rejim yang sesuai dengan kebebasan dengan keputihan, kehitaman dengan perbudakan. Namun orang-orang yang diperhambakan menolak, menuntut kebebasan dengan berbagai cara, menciptakan bukaan untuk diri mereka sendiri dalam undang-undang dan politik.


Sistem Perhambaan Amerika - SEJARAH

Peta yang menggambarkan pendudukan Eropah di Amerika Utara pada tahun 1702, peta dibuat pada tahun 2010. Kawasan yang berwarna solid mewakili kawasan pendudukan yang lebih dekat, dan bukannya tanah yang dituntut secara rasmi, yang umumnya jauh lebih besar. Kawasan dengan tuntutan yang bertentangan digambarkan dengan penggredan warna, dan mungkin atau mungkin tidak dihuni oleh kedua-dua belah pihak. Sebilangan besar tuntutan tanah ini juga bersilang dengan tanah yang dituntut oleh orang India Amerika, yang tidak ditunjukkan.

Klasifikasi kaum di jajahan Sepanyol di Amerika, ca. abad kelapan belas, ihsan Museo Nacional del Virreinato, Tepotzotl & aacuten, Mexico. Menjelang akhir abad kelapan belas, interaksi seksual dan perkahwinan antara orang Eropah, Afrika, dan India Amerika di jajahan Sepanyol menyebabkan populasi antara kaum yang besar dan pelbagai kategori perkauman yang diakui.

Menjelang akhir abad ketujuh belas dan awal abad kelapan belas, koloni Inggeris menguasai sebahagian besar pantai Atlantik dan bahagian timur Amerika Utara, kecuali Florida Sepanyol, Mexico Mexico, Kanada Perancis, dan Louisiana Perancis. Ini bermaksud bahawa sistem perbudakan Inggeris Baru dan konsep hierarki perkauman, sebahagian besarnya membentuk bagaimana sistem buruh ini berkembang di jajahan yang kemudiannya membentuk Amerika Syarikat yang asal. Walaupun tujuan utama semua pekebun Atlantik Dunia membeli dari perdagangan hamba trans-Atlantik adalah untuk mendapatkan tenaga kerja untuk menghasilkan eksport yang menguntungkan, syarat undang-undang dan sosial untuk perbudakan berbeza dalam jajahan Eropah yang berbeza, dan berubah dengan ketara dari masa ke masa.

Sebagai contoh, orang Sepanyol, Portugis, dan pada tahap yang lebih rendah, peneroka Perancis dari sepanjang Laut Mediterranean sering kali mempunyai pendedahan yang lebih besar kepada orang-orang Afrika sub-Sahara melalui sistem perdagangan maritim yang dibentuk sebelum perdagangan hamba trans-Atlantik. Sejarawan Frank Tannenbaum berpendapat bahawa pendedahan sebelum ini diterjemahkan kepada keterbukaan yang lebih besar terhadap pemeliharaan manusia (di mana pemilik hamba individu boleh memilih untuk membebaskan hamba mereka), pertukaran pelbagai budaya, hubungan seksual, dan bahkan perkahwinan antara orang Eropah dan Afrika. Sebaliknya, peneroka dan pedagang Eropah utara, seperti Inggeris dan Belanda, kurang mendapat pendedahan sebelumnya kepada orang Afrika sub-Sahara, atau sistem perbudakan Mediterranean. Undang-undang mereka untuk mewujudkan perbudakan kapital dibentuk terutama dalam konteks Dunia Baru, dengan insentif ekonomi yang tinggi untuk menjamin perbudakan untuk pertanian perladangan melalui hierarki kaum yang kaku.

Inggeris Amerika Utara

"Mendarat Negro di Jamestown dari Man-of-War Belanda, 1619," ilustrasi di Harper & rsquos Bulanan, 1901, milik Perpustakaan Kongres. Orang Afrika yang diperbudak yang digambarkan dalam lukisan ini dilaporkan adalah orang pertama yang tiba di Amerika Utara Inggeris pada tahun 1619.

"The Slave Trade (Hamba di Pantai Barat Afrika)" oleh François Auguste Biard, minyak di atas kanvas, ca. 1833, milik BBC Paintings. Pada mulanya, tawanan dalam perdagangan hamba trans-Atlantik berasal dari kawasan pelabuhan pesisir di Afrika Barat dan Tengah. Ketika tuntutan untuk tenaga kerja yang lebih diperbudak meningkat di Amerika, perdagangan hamba di Afrika berkembang, dan lebih banyak tawanan berasal dari kawasan pedalaman yang lebih dalam.

Although Africans arrived in North America with Spanish explorers in the sixteenth century, the earliest documented evidence of Africans in English North American colonies dates to 1619. In an account from this year, crewmembers from a Dutch ship traded approximately twenty enslaved Africans to settlers in Jamestown, Virginia. The crew consisted of privateers who had pilfered these captives from a Spanish ship. Privateering conflicts in the Atlantic were a regular occurrence between European rivals in the seventeenth century. Before English and later U.S. traders established direct trade relationships on the West African coast, many colonists in North America accessed the trans-Atlantic slave trade through privateering, or by acquiring enslaved Africans and Amerindians from English colonies in the Caribbean.

In the seventeenth century, African captives in North America often came from Atlantic African ports and coastal areas with a long history of European trade relations. Some historians have identified these Africans as Atlantic Creoles because of their intimate knowledge and experience with European customs, languages, and social structures. In the early decades of European settlement in North America, Atlantic Creoles could sometimes use their multicultural experiences and identities to negotiate the terms of their enslaved status, and even obtain freedom, though this was not the norm for the majority of enslaved Africans.

As demands for more enslaved labor increased throughout the Americas, the trans-Atlantic slave trade in Africa expanded, and increasing numbers of Africans forced to the New World originated from the interior of West and West Central Africa. In contrast to Atlantic Creoles from the coast, African arrivals from the interior brought diverse cultural, spiritual, and political customs, and they often had less prior experience with European languages, customs, or diseases. The expanded slave trade, combined with increasingly extreme labor conditions and disease exposure in growing plantation economies, meant that mortality rates were temporarily higher for enslaved Africans throughout the Americas in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, including in English North American colonies. Survival rates in North America began to improve again during the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, as planters sought to maintain a domestic slave population through new generations of enslaved African Americans, particularly after the legal end of the trans-Atlantic slave trade to the United States in 1808.

With the rise of plantation systems and cash crop economies in the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, slaveholders had an economic incentive to enforce racial hierarchies to ensure the enslavement of Africans, while also guarding privilege and freedom for white Europeans. They also had a military incentive — increasing slave population numbers to provide plantation labor also meant a greater threat of slave rebellions. The development of the plantation complex in English North America in the late seventeenth century, particularly in the southeastern colonies, triggered a major shift to more oppressive racial hierarchies and legal restrictions for enslaved populations. In areas where slaves formed a large portion of the overall population, such as the Carolina Lowcountry, these rigid laws developed rapidly.

Watercolor painting of southeastern American Indians and an African child, Alexander De Batz, French Louisiana, 1735. French Louisiana demonstrated more fluid race and slavery experiences before the rise of plantations in this region in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.

Former site of Fort Mose, Fort Mose Historic State Park, photograph, St. Augustine, Florida, 2008. Escaped slaves from Carolina and Georgia were recognized as free in Spanish Florida, as a military tactic by the Spanish to destabilize the English plantation economy. Free Africans were often taken into the Spanish militia, at sites such as the Gracia Real de Santa Teresa de Mosé fort north of St. Augustine (also known as Fort Mose), which was established in 1738 by the colonial governor, Manuel de Montiano. The military leader at the fort was a Creole man of African origin, who was baptized as Francisco Menendez by the Spanish.

French Louisiana and Spanish Florida

In contrast to southeastern North American English colonies such as Virginia and Carolina, settlers in French Louisiana in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries initially focused on trading with American Indians and searching for mineral deposits rather than developing plantations. Though French Louisiana settlers attempted to develop tobacco and indigo plantations in the 1720s, an alliance of Natchez American Indians and escaped Africans led a rebellion that prevented this development. The Natchez Rebellion did not end slavery in this region, but it allowed for more fluid legal definitions and experiences of race, slavery, and social status found in regions without a dominant plantation economy. In Louisiana, sugar plantations would not effectively develop until the end of the eighteenth century, when the Haitian Revolution (1791-1804) ended Saint Domingue's dominance over the sugar trade in the Caribbean, allowing space for competitors in this lucrative market.

In Spanish Florida (first settled in 1513), settlers purchased enslaved Africans for various forms of labor, but scholars argue that slavery in this context proved less restrictive. As a military tactic, the Spanish offered freedom to slaves who escaped from their English rivals, particular from the nearby English colonies of Carolina and later Georgia. This led to various free African settlements in Florida composed of runaway slaves. These escaped Africans often intermixed with Seminole American Indians in northern Florida. By the nineteenth century, tensions between African and American Indian Seminoles and the United States government led to a series of violent conflicts called the Seminole Wars (1814-19, 1835-42, 1855-58). A plantation economy based on enslaved labor did not fully form in Florida until it became a part of the United States in the early nineteenth century.


The System of American Slavery - HISTORY

Slavery in America, typically associated with blacks from Africa, was an enterprise that began with the shipping of more than 300,000 white Britons to the colonies. This little known history is fascinatingly recounted in White Cargo (New York University Press, 2007). Drawing on letters, diaries, ship manifests, court documents, and government archives, authors Don Jordan and Michael Walsh detail how thousands of whites endured the hardships of tobacco farming and lived and died in bondage in the New World.

Following the cultivation in 1613 of an acceptable tobacco crop in Virginia, the need for labor accelerated. Slavery was viewed as the cheapest and most expedient way of providing the necessary work force. Due to harsh working conditions, beatings, starvation, and disease, survival rates for slaves rarely exceeded two years. Thus, the high level of demand was sustained by a continuous flow of white slaves from England, Ireland, and Scotland from 1618 to 1775, who were imported to serve America’s colonial masters.

HISTORY OF WHITE SLAVERY IN AMERICA

These white slaves in the New World consisted of street children plucked from London’s back alleys, prostitutes, and impoverished migrants searching for a brighter future and willing to sign up for indentured servitude. Convicts were also persuaded to avoid lengthy sentences and executions on their home soil by enslavement in the British colonies. The much maligned Irish, viewed as savages worthy of ethnic cleansing and despised for their rejection of Protestantism, also made up a portion of America’s first slave population, as did Quakers, Cavaliers, Puritans, Jesuits, and others.

Around 1618 at the start of their colonial slave trade, the English began by seizing and shipping to Virginia impoverished children, even toddlers, from London slums. Some impoverished parents sought a better life for their offspring and agreed to send them, but most often, the children were sent despite their own protests and those of their families. At the time, the London authorities represented their actions as an act of charity, a chance for a poor youth to apprentice in America, learn a trade, and avoid starvation at home. Tragically, once these unfortunate youngsters arrived, 50% of them were dead within a year after being sold to farmers to work the fields.

HISTORY OF WHITE SLAVERY IN AMERICA

A few months after the first shipment of children, the first African slaves were shipped to Virginia. Interestingly, no American market existed for African slaves until late in the 17th century. Until then, black slave traders typically took their cargo to Bermuda. England’s poor were the colonies’ preferred source of slave labor, even though Europeans were more likely than Africans to die an early death in the fields. Slave owners had a greater interest in keeping African slaves alive because they represented a more significant investment. Black slaves received better treatment than Europeans on plantations, as they were viewed as valuable, lifelong property rather than indentured servants with a specific term of service.

HISTORY OF WHITE SLAVERY IN AMERICA

These indentured servants represented the next wave of laborers. They were promised land after a period of servitude, but most worked unpaid for up to 15 years with few ever owning any land. Mortality rates were high. Of the 1,200 who arrived in 1619, more than two thirds perished in the first year from disease, working to death, or Indian raid killings. In Maryland, out of 5,000 indentured servants who entered the colony between 1670 and 1680, 1,250 died in bondage, 1,300 gained their right to freedom, and only 241 ever became landowners.

Early in the 17th century, the headright system, a land allocation program to attract new colonists, began in Jamestown, Virginia as an attempt to solve labor shortages. The program provided acreage to heads of households that funded travel to the colony for destitute individuals to work the land. It led to the sharp growth of indentured servitude and slavery because the more slaves imported by a colonist, the larger the tracts of land received. Promises of prosperity and land were used to lure the poor, who were typically enslaved for three to 15 years. All the while, agents profited handsomely by augmenting their land holdings. Corruption was rampant in the headright system and included double-counting of individual slaves, land allocations for servants who were dead upon arrival, and per head fees given for those kidnapped off English streets.

Purveyors of slaves often worked in teams of spirits, captains, and office-keepers to kidnap people from English ports for sale in the American labor market. Spirits lured or kidnapped potential servants and arranged for their transport with ship captains. Office-keepers maintained a base to run the operation. They would entertain their prey and get them to sign papers until an awaiting ship became available. Spirits and their accomplices were occasionally put on trial, but court records show that they got off easily and that the practice was tolerated because it was so profitable.

The indentured servant system of people who voluntarily mortgaged their freedom evolved into slavery. England essentially dumped its unwanted in the American colonies, where they were treated no better than livestock. Servants were regularly battered, whipped, and humiliated. Disease was rampant, food was in short supply, and working and living conditions were grim. War with local native Indian tribes was common. Severe punishment made escape unrealistic. Initially, running away was considered a capital crime, with clemency granted in exchange for an agreement to increase the period of servitude.

In the 1640s, the transportation of the Irish began. Britain’s goal was to obliterate Ireland’s Catholics to make room for English planters. Catholics who refused to attend a Protestant church could be fined. If they were unable to pay, they could be sold as slaves. Following the end of the English Civil Wars in 1651, English military and political leader Oliver Cromwell focused his attention on Ireland, where the people had allied with the defeated royalists during the conflict. Famine was created by the intentional destruction of food stocks. Those implicated in the rebellion had their land confiscated and were sold into slavery. Anyone refusing to relocate was threatened with death, including children.

Scots were also subjected to transportation to the British colonies for religious differences, as England imposed Anglican disciplines on the Church of Scotland as well. The English army was deployed to break up illegal church assemblies and imprison or deport religious protesters.

Cruelty to servants was rampant. Beatings were common, and the perpetrators, buttressed by juries made up of fellow landowners, were rarely punished for abuse or even murder. In time, efforts were made to improve the lot of servants. Legislation in 1662 provided for a “competent diet, clothing and lodging” and disciplinary measures not to “exceed the bounds of moderation.” Servants were granted the right to complain, but the cruelty continued.

Infanticide by unmarried women was common, as they could be severely punished for “fornication.” The mother faced a whipping, fines, and extra years added to her servitude. Her offspring faced time in bondage as well. If the mother was the victim of a rape by the master, he faced a fine and the loss of a servant but wasn’t subjected to whipping.

Several uprisings in the American colonies awakened slave owners to problems, exposing their vulnerability within the caste-like master-servant social system they had created. In 1676, Nathaniel Bacon, an aristocrat from England who became a Virginia colonist, instigated an insurrection, referred to as Bacon’s Rebellion, that changed the course of white slavery.

Prior to Bacon’s Rebellion, much discontentment existed among servants over seemingly empty promises of land following their periods of indenture. When they were finally freed of their obligations, many found that they couldn’t afford the required land surveying fees and the exorbitant poll taxes.

In 1675, when war broke out with some of the native tribes, Bacon joined the side of the warring settlers and offered freedom to every slave and servant who deserted his master and joined Bacon in battle. Hundreds enthusiastically joined him in the insurgency. When Bacon died suddenly, his supporters fled or surrendered some were recaptured, put in chains, and beaten or hanged. However, because of the revolt, whites gained rights. Whippings were forbidden without a formal judicial order.

HISTORY OF WHITE SLAVERY IN AMERICA

By the early 1770s, the convict trade was big business, more profitable than the black slave trade because criminals were cheap. They could be sold for one third the price of indentured servants. England’s jails were being emptied into America on a significant scale. Additionally, merchants who traded in convicts from England and Ireland received a subsidy for every miscreant transported to America. Up to a third of incoming convicts died from dysentery, smallpox, typhoid, and freezing temperatures. Upon arrival, they were advertised for sale, inspected, and taken away in chains by new masters.

HISTORY OF WHITE SLAVERY IN AMERICA

Following the Revolutionary War, the British continued to ship convict labor as “indentured servants” to America. During that time, seven ships filled with prisoners made the journey, and two successfully landed. In 1789, convict importation was legally banned across the U.S. America would no longer be the dumping ground for British criminals. It took another 30 years before the indentured servant trade ended completely.

A well written and well researched historical narrative, White Cargo does an excellent job of elucidating a forgotten part of our colonial past by telling the story of thousands of Britons who lived and died in bondage before African slaves were transported to the New World.


During the second half of the 17th century, a terrible transformation, the enslavement of people solely on the basis of race, occurred in the lives of African Americans living in North America. These newcomers still numbered only a few thousand, but the bitter reversals they experienced—first subtle, then drastic—would shape the lives of all those who followed them, generation after generation.

Like most huge changes, the imposition of hereditary race slavery was gradual, taking hold by degrees over many decades. It proceeded slowly, in much the same way that winter follows fall. On any given day, in any given place, people can argue about local weather conditions. “Is it getting colder?” “Will it warm up again this week?” The shift may come early in some places, later in others. But eventually, it occurs all across the land. By January, people shiver and think back to September, agreeing that “it is definitely colder now.” In 1700, a 70-year-old African American could look back half a century to 1650 and shiver, knowing that conditions had definitely changed for the worse.

Some people had experienced the first cold winds of enslavement well before 1650 others would escape the chilling blast well after 1700. The timing and nature of the change varied considerably from colony to colony, and even from family to family. Gradually, the terrible transformation took on a momentum of its own, numbing and burdening everything in its path, like a disastrous winter storm. Unlike the changing seasons, however, the encroachment of racial slavery in the colonies of North America was certainly not a natural process. It was highly unnatural—the work of powerful competitive governments and many thousands of human beings spread out across the Atlantic world. Nor was it inevitable that people’s legal status would come to depend upon their racial background and that the condition of slavery would be passed down from parent to child. Numerous factors combined to bring about this disastrous shift—human forces swirled together during the decades after 1650, to create an enormously destructive storm.

By 1650, hereditary enslavement based upon color, not upon religion, was a bitter reality in the older Catholic colonies of the New World. In the Caribbean and Latin America, for well over a century, Spanish and Portuguese colonizers had enslaved “infidels”: first Indians and then Africans. At first, they relied for justification upon the Mediterranean tradition that persons of a different religion, or persons captured in war, could be enslaved for life. But hidden in this idea of slavery was the notion that persons who converted to Christianity should receive their freedom. Wealthy planters in the tropics, afraid that their cheap labor would be taken away from them because of this loophole, changed the reasoning behind their exploitation. Even persons who could prove that they were not captured in war and that they accepted the Catholic faith still could not change their appearance, any more than a leopard can change its spots. So by making color the key factor behind enslavement, dark-skinned people brought from Africa to work in silver mines and on sugar plantations could be exploited for life. Indeed, the servitude could be made hereditary, so enslaved people’s children automatically inherited the same unfree status.

But this cruel and self-perpetuating system had not yet taken firm hold in North America. The same anti-Catholic propaganda that had led Sir Francis Drake to liberate Negro slaves in Central America in the 1580s still prompted many colonists to believe that it was the Protestant mission to convert non-Europeans rather than enslave them.

Apart from such moral concerns, there were simple matters of cost and practicality. Workers subject to longer terms and coming from further away would require a larger initial investment. Consider a 1648 document from York County, Virginia, showing the market values for persons working for James Stone (estimated in terms of pounds of tobacco):

Among all six, Susan had the lowest value. She may have been less strong in the tobacco field, and as a woman she ran a greater risk of early death because of the dangers of childbirth. Hence John and Roger, the other English servants with three-year terms, commanded a higher value. Francis, whose term was twice as long, was not worth twice as much. Life expectancy was short for everyone in early Virginia, so he might not live to complete his term. The two black workers, Emaniell and Mingo, clearly had longer terms, perhaps even for life, and they also had the highest value. If they each lived for another 20 years, they represented a bargain for Mr. Stone, but if they died young, perhaps even before they had fully learned the language, their value as workers proved far less. From Stone’s point of view they represented a risky and expensive investment at best.

By 1650, however, conditions were already beginning to change. For one thing, both the Dutch and the English had started using enslaved Africans to produce sugar in the Caribbean and the tropics. English experiments at Barbados and Providence Island showed that Protestant investors could easily overcome their moral scruples. Large profits could be made if foreign rivals could be held in check. After agreeing to peace with Spain and giving up control of Northeast Brazil at midcentury, Dutch slave traders were actively looking for new markets. In England, after Charles II was restored to the throne in 1660, he rewarded supporters by creating the Royal African Co. to enter aggressively into the slave trade. The English king also chartered a new colony in Carolina. He hoped it would be close enough to the Spanish in Florida and the Caribbean to challenge them in economic and military terms. Many of the first English settlers in Carolina after 1670 came from Barbados. They brought enslaved Africans with them. They also brought the beginnings of a legal code and a social system that accepted race slavery.

While new colonies with a greater acceptance of race slavery were being founded, the older colonies continued to grow. Early in the 17th century no tiny North American port could absorb several hundred workers arriving at one time on a large ship. Most Africans—such as those reaching Jamestown in 1619—arrived several dozen at a time aboard small boats and privateers from the Caribbean. Like Emaniell and Mingo on the farm of James Stone, they tended to mix with other unfree workers on small plantations. All of these servants, no matter what their origin, could hope to obtain their own land and the personal independence that goes with private property. In 1645, in Northampton County on Virginia’s Eastern Shore, Captain Philip Taylor, after complaining that “Anthony the negro” did not work hard enough for him, agreed to set aside part of the cornfield where they worked as Anthony’s plot. “I am very glad of it,” the black man told a local clerk, “now I know myne owne ground and I will worke when I please and play when I please.”

Anthony and Mary Johnson had also gained their own property in Northampton County before 1650. He had arrived in Virginia in 1621, aboard the James and was cited on early lists as “Antonio a Negro.” He was put to work on the tobacco plantation of Edward Bennett, with more than 50 other people. All except five were killed the following March, when local Indians struck back against the foreigners who were invading their land. Antonio was one of the lucky survivors. He became increasingly English in his ways, eventually gaining his freedom and moving to the Eastern Shore, where he was known as Anthony Johnson. Along the way, he married “Mary a Negro Woman,” who had arrived in 1622 aboard the Margrett and John, and they raised at least four children, gaining respect for their “hard labor and known service,” according to the court records of Northampton County.

By the 1650s, Anthony and Mary Johnson owned a farm of 250 acres, and their married sons, John and Richard, farmed adjoining tracts of 450 and 100 acres respectively. In the 1660s, the whole Johnson clan pulled up stakes and moved north into Maryland, where the aging Anthony leased a 300-acre farm called “Tonies Vineyard” until his death. His widow Mary, in her will of 1672, distributed a cow to each of her grandsons, including John Jr., the son of John and Susanna Johnson. Five years later, when John Jr. purchased a 44-acre farm for himself, he named the homestead Angola, which suggests that his grandparents had been born in Africa and had kept alive stories of their homeland within the family. But within 30 years, John Jr. had died without an heir, and the entire Johnson family had disappeared from the colonial records. If we knew their fate, it might tell us more about the terrible transformation that was going on around them.

Gradually, it was becoming harder to obtain English labor in the mainland colonies. Civil war and a great plague reduced England’s population, and the Great Fire of London created fresh demands for workers at home. Stiff penalties were imposed on sea captains who grabbed young people in England and sold them in the colonies as indentured servants. (This common practice was given a new name: “kidnapping.”) English servants already at work in the colonies demanded shorter indentures, better working conditions, and suitable farmland when their contracts expired. Officials feared they would lose future English recruits to rival colonies if bad publicity filtered back to Europe, so they could not ignore this pressure, even when it undermined colonial profits.

Nor could colonial planters turn instead to Indian labor. Native Americans captured in frontier wars continued to be enslaved, but each act of aggression by European colonists made future diplomacy with neighboring Indians more difficult. Native American captives could easily escape into the familiar wilderness and return to their original tribe. Besides, their numbers were limited. African Americans, in contrast, were thousands of miles from their homeland, and their availability increased as the scope of the Atlantic slave trade expanded. More European countries competed to transport and exploit African labor more West African leaders proved willing to engage in profitable trade with them more New World planters had the money to purchase new workers from across the ocean. It seemed as though every decade the ships became larger, the contacts more regular, the departures more frequent, the routes more familiar, the sales more efficient.

As the size and efficiency of this brutal traffic increased, so did its rewards for European investors. Their ruthless competition pushed up the volume of transatlantic trade from Africa and drove down the relative cost of individual Africans in the New World at a time when the price of labor from Europe was rising. As their profits increased, slave merchants and their captains continued to look for fresh markets. North America, on the fringe of this expanding and infamous Atlantic system, represented a likely target. As the small mainland colonies grew and their trade with one another and with England increased, their capacity to purchase large numbers of new laborers from overseas expanded. By the end of the century, Africans were arriving aboard large ships directly from Africa as well as on smaller boats from the West Indies. In 1698, the monopoly held by England’s Royal African Co. on this transatlantic business came to an end, and independent traders from England and the colonies stepped up their voyages, intending to capture a share of the profits.

All these large and gradual changes would still not have brought about the terrible transformation to race slavery, had it not been for several other crucial factors. One ingredient was the mounting fear among colonial leaders regarding signs of discontent and cooperation among poor and unfree colonists of all sorts. Europeans and Africans worked together, intermarried, ran away together, and shared common resentments toward the well-to-do. Both groups were involved in a series of bitter strikes and servant uprisings among tobacco pickers in Virginia, culminating in an open rebellion in 1676. Greatly outnumbered by these armed workers, authorities were quick to sense the need to divide their labor force in order to control it. Stressing cultural and ethnic divisions would be one way to do that.

Lifetime servitude could be enforced only by removing the prospect that a person might gain freedom through Christian conversion. One approach was to outlaw this traditional route to freedom. As early as 1664, a Maryland statute specified that Christian baptism could have no effect upon the legal status of a slave. A more sweeping solution, however, involved removing religion altogether as a factor in determining servitude.

Therefore, another fundamental key to the terrible transformation was the shift from changeable spiritual faith to unchangeable physical appearance as a measure of status. Increasingly, the dominant English came to view Africans not as “heathen people” but as “black people.” They began, for the first time, to describe themselves not as Christians but as whites. And they gradually wrote this shift into their colonial laws. Within a generation, the English definition of who could be made a slave had shifted from someone who was not a Christian to someone who was not European in appearance. Indeed, the transition for self-interested Englishmen went further. It was a small but momentous step from saying that black persons boleh be enslaved to saying that Negroes semestinya be enslaved. One Christian minister was dismayed by this rapid change to slavery based on race: “These two words, Negro dan Slave” wrote the Rev. Morgan Godwyn in 1680, are “by custom grown Homogeneous and Convertible”—that is, interchangeable.

As if this momentous shift were not enough, it was accompanied by another. Those who wrote the colonial laws not only moved to make slavery perkauman they also made it hereditary. Under English common law, a child inherited the legal status of the father. As Virginia officials put it in 1655: “By the Comon Law the Child of a Woman slave begot by a freeman ought to bee free.”

But within seven years that option had been removed. Faced with cases of “whether children got by any Englishman upon a negro woman should be slave or Free,” the Virginia Assembly in 1662 decided in favor of the master demanding service rather than the child claiming freedom. In this special circumstance, the Assembly ignored all English precedents that children inherited the name and status of their father. Instead, the men in the colonial legislature declared that all such children “borne in this country shal be held bond or free only according to the condition of the mother.” In Virginia, and soon elsewhere, the children of slave mothers would be slaves forever.

Now the terrible transformation was almost complete, with the colony of Virginia leading the way. An additional legal sleight of hand by the land-hungry Virginia gentry helped speed the process. For several generations, as an incentive toward immigration, newcomers had received title to a parcel of land, called a “headright,” for every family member or European servant they brought to the struggling colony.

By expanding this system to include Africans, self-interested planter-magistrates, who were rich enough to make the initial investment in enslaved workers, managed to obtain free land, as well as valuable labor, every time they purchased an African worker.

In the decades before 1700, therefore, the number of African arrivals began to increase, and the situation of African Americans became increasingly precarious and bleak. Sarah Driggus, an African American woman who had been born free during the middle of the 17th century, protested to a Maryland court in 1688 that she was now being regarded as a slave. Many others of her generation were feeling similar pressures and filing similar protests. But fewer and fewer of them were being heard. The long winter of racial enslavement was closing in over the English colonies of North America.


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