Podcast Sejarah

Perasmian Adams - Sejarah

Perasmian Adams - Sejarah

AMERIKA SERIKAT, 19 Januari 1797.

Tuan-tuan Dewan Negara dan: Dewan Perwakilan:

Semasa pembukaan sesi Kongres ini, saya menyebut bahawa beberapa keadaan yang tidak diingini kebelakangan ini berlaku berkaitan dengan Perancis; bahawa perdagangan kita telah menderita, dan menderita, kecederaan parah di Hindia Barat dari kapal penjelajah dan ejen Republik Perancis, dan bahawa komunikasi telah diterima dari menterinya di sini yang menunjukkan bahaya gangguan perdagangan kita oleh pihak berkuasa, dan itu dalam aspek lain jauh dari kesepakatan, tetapi saya menyimpan untuk pesanan khas komunikasi yang lebih khusus mengenai perkara yang menarik ini. Komunikasi ini saya buat sekarang.

Rungutan menteri Perancis merangkumi sebahagian besar urus niaga Kerajaan kita berhubung dengan Perancis sejak awal perang sekarang, yang oleh itu perlu dikaji dengan teliti. Koleksi telah dibentuk dari surat-surat dan surat-surat yang berkaitan dengan transaksi tersebut, yang sekarang saya sampaikan di hadapan anda, dengan surat kepada Mr Pinckney, menteri kami di Paris, yang berisi pemeriksaan atas catatan menteri Perancis dan maklumat seperti yang saya kira mungkin bermanfaat bagi Tuan Pinckney dalam perwakilan lebih lanjut yang mungkin difikirkan perlu dibuat kepada Kerajaan Perancis. Objektif segera misinya adalah untuk memberikan penjelasan kepada Pemerintah tentang prinsip dan tingkah laku kita sendiri, dengan, dengan menunjukkan itikad baik kita, dapat menghilangkan semua rasa cemburu dan rasa tidak puas hati dan mempertahankan keharmonian dan pemahaman yang baik dengan Republik Perancis yang dimilikinya. menjadi kesungguhan berterusan saya untuk memelihara. Pemerintah yang hanya memerlukan pengetahuan tentang kebenaran untuk membenarkan langkah-langkahnya tidak boleh tidak ingin menunjukkannya sepenuhnya dan terus terang.

Pergi. WASHINGTON.

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Adams dilahirkan pada 12 Februari 1775, di City of London, anak perempuan Joshua Johnson, seorang saudagar Amerika dari Maryland, yang saudaranya Thomas Johnson kemudian bertugas sebagai Gabenor Maryland dan Hakim Mahkamah Agung Amerika Syarikat, dan Catherine Newth, seorang Wanita Inggeris, yang identitinya sudah lama menjadi misteri cucunya, Henry Adams, bercanda bahawa keberadaannya adalah "salah satu misteri teologi metafizik yang paling dalam." [1]

Dia dibaptis sebagai Louisa-Catharine Johnson di gereja paroki St Botolph tanpa Aldgate pada 9 Mac 1775, ketika nama-nama orang tuanya dicatat sebagai Joshua dan Catharine dan alamat mereka diberikan sebagai Swan Street. [2] Dia mempunyai enam saudara perempuan: Ann "Nancy," Caroline (ibu dari Jeneral Kesatuan Robert C. Buchanan), Harriet, Catherine, Elizabeth (isteri kedua Senator Amerika Syarikat John Pope dari Kentucky), dan Adelaide, dan seorang saudara lelaki, Thomas. Dia dibesarkan di London dan Nantes, Perancis, di mana keluarganya berlindung semasa Revolusi Amerika. [ rujukan diperlukan ]

Dia bertemu John Quincy Adams di rumah ayahnya di Cooper's Row, berhampiran Tower Hill, London. Ayahnya telah dilantik sebagai konsul jeneral Amerika Syarikat pada tahun 1790, dan Adams pertama kali mengunjunginya pada November 1795. Pada mulanya Adams menunjukkan minat terhadap kakaknya tetapi segera menetap di Louisa. Adams, berusia 30 tahun, berkahwin dengan Louisa, berusia 22 tahun, pada 26 Julai 1797, di gereja paroki All Hallows-by-the-Tower, di Tower Hill. Ayah Adams, John Adams, ketika itu Presiden Amerika Syarikat, akhirnya menyambut menantunya ke dalam keluarga, walaupun mereka tidak bertemu selama beberapa tahun. [3]

Ibu bapanya meninggalkan Eropah pada tahun 1797 dan pergi ke A.S. Ketika ayahnya dipaksa muflis, Presiden John Adams melantiknya sebagai Pengarah Setem A.S. Ayahnya, yang menderita penyakit mental, meninggal di Frederick, Maryland, pada tahun 1802 kerana demam teruk, meninggalkan sedikit keperluan untuk keluarganya. Ibunya meninggal pada bulan September 1811, pada pertengahan lima puluhan, [4] dan dikebumikan di Tanah Perkuburan Rock Creek.

John Quincy Adams dan Louisa Adams mempunyai anak-anak berikut:

    (1801–1829), pengacara (1803–1834), pembantu presiden (1807–1886), diplomat, pegawai awam, dan pengarang
  • Louisa Catherine Adams (12 Ogos 1811 - 15 September 1812), lahir dan meninggal di St Petersburg, Rusia, dikebumikan di Tanah Perkuburan Lutheran di sana. [5] [6]

Louisa jatuh sakit, dan mengalami sakit kepala migrain dan mantra yang sering pingsan. Dia mengalami beberapa keguguran sepanjang perkahwinannya. Setelah dibesarkan di London dan Perancis, dia mendapati Massachusetts suram dan provinsi, dan menyebut rumah keluarga Adams sebagai "seperti sesuatu yang keluar dari Bahtera Nuh". Walaupun begitu, dia mengembangkan kasih sayang yang kuat terhadap ayah mertuanya, dan walaupun sesekali ada perbedaan, rasa hormat yang mendalam terhadap ibu mertuanya Abigail Adams, yang kemudian digambarkannya sebagai "planet panduan yang kita semua putar".

Dia meninggalkan dua puteranya yang lebih tua di Massachusetts untuk pendidikan pada tahun 1809 ketika dia membawa Charles Francis Adams yang berusia dua tahun ke Rusia, di mana Adams bertugas sebagai Menteri. Meskipun glamor pengadilan tsar, dia harus berjuang dengan musim dingin, kebiasaan aneh, dana terbatas, dan kesehatan yang buruk. Seorang anak perempuan yang dilahirkan pada tahun 1811 meninggal pada tahun berikutnya.

Rundingan damai memanggil Adams ke Ghent pada tahun 1814 dan kemudian ke London. Untuk menyertainya, dia melakukan perjalanan selama empat puluh hari melintasi Eropah yang dilanda perang oleh jurulatih pada musim sejuk. Kumpulan gerombolan pejalan kaki dan pejalan kaki yang penuh dengan jalan raya mengisinya dengan "ketakutan yang tidak dapat diluahkan" untuk anaknya. Dua tahun berikutnya memberinya selingan kehidupan keluarga di negara kelahirannya.

Semasa John Quincy Adams dilantik sebagai Setiausaha Negara James Monroe pada tahun 1817, keluarga tersebut berpindah ke Washington, D.C. di mana ruang tamu Louisa menjadi pusat kor diplomatik dan tokoh terkenal lainnya. Muzik meningkatkan malam Selasa di rumahnya, dan pesta teater menyumbang kepada reputasinya sebagai nyonya rumah yang luar biasa.

Keseronokan berpindah ke Gedung Putih pada tahun 1825 redup oleh politik pahit pilihan raya, dipadankan dengan kemurungannya yang mendalam. Walaupun dia meneruskan "ruang tamu" mingguannya, dia lebih gemar membaca malam yang tenang, menyusun muzik dan ayat, dan bermain kecapi. Sebagai Wanita Pertama, dia menjadi tenang dan tertekan. Untuk sekian lama, dia menyesal pernah berkahwin dengan keluarga Adams, lelaki yang dia anggap dingin dan tidak peka. Hiburan yang diperlukan sentiasa elegan dan keramahtamahannya menjadikan sambutan rasmi terakhir sebagai majlis yang baik walaupun suaminya telah kehilangan tawaran untuk pemilihan semula dan perasaan kepartian masih tinggi.

Dalam buku hariannya untuk 23 Juni 1828, suaminya mencatat "sutera berliku dari beberapa ratus ulat sutera yang telah dipeliharanya," jelas di Rumah Putih. [7]

Dia fikir dia akan pensiun ke Massachusetts secara kekal, tetapi pada tahun 1831 suaminya memulakan perkhidmatan selama tujuh belas tahun di Dewan Perwakilan Amerika Syarikat. Kematian tepat pada waktunya dua anak lelaki tertuanya menambah bebannya.

"Kesatuan kita tidak tanpa ujiannya," John Quincy Adams mengakui. Dia mengakui banyak "perbezaan sentimen, selera, dan pendapat mengenai ekonomi domestik, dan pendidikan anak-anak di antara kita." Tetapi menambahkan bahwa "dia selalu menjadi seorang isteri yang setia dan penyayang, dan seorang ibu yang berhati-hati, lembut, memanjakan, dan berjaga-jaga kepada anak-anak kita."

Suaminya meninggal di Capitol Amerika Syarikat pada tahun 1848. Dia tinggal di Washington sehingga kematiannya akibat serangan jantung pada 15 Mei 1852, pada usia 77. Hari pengebumiannya adalah kali pertama kedua-dua rumah Kongres Amerika Syarikat ditangguhkan dalam berkabung bagi mana-mana wanita. [8] Dia dimakamkan di sisi suaminya, bersama dengan Presiden ibu bapa mertuanya John Adams dan wanita pertama Abigail Adams, di Gereja Paroki Pertama di Quincy, Massachusetts.

Program Pasangan Pertama di bawah Akta Koin $ 1 Presiden memberi kuasa kepada Mint Amerika Syarikat untuk mengeluarkan 1/2-ons syiling emas $ 10 dan pendua pingat [10] untuk menghormati pasangan pertama Amerika Syarikat. Koin Louisa Adams dikeluarkan pada 29 Mei 2008.


Perasmian Adams - Sejarah

Alamat Perasmian
ID Sejarah Digital 4470

Pengarang: John Quincy Adams
Tarikh: 1825

Anotasi: John Quincy Adams adalah satu-satunya presiden yang ayahnya juga memegang jawatan itu. Dia dipilih oleh Dewan Perwakilan ketika kolej pemilihan tidak dapat menentukan pemenang yang jelas dalam pilihan raya tahun 1824 antara Adams dan Andrew Jackson. Jeneral Jackson telah mendapat suara yang lebih popular dalam pilihan raya, tetapi dia tidak memperoleh cukup banyak suara untuk menang secara langsung. Sumpah jawatan itu dikendalikan oleh Ketua Hakim John Marshall di dalam Dewan Dewan Perwakilan.


Dokumen: SEBAGAI pematuhan dengan penggunaan yang setara dengan kewujudan Perlembagaan Persekutuan kita, dan disetujui oleh contoh pendahulu saya dalam karier yang akan saya jalani, saya muncul, sesama warga, di hadapan anda dan di Syurga untuk mengikat diri saya dengan kesungguhan kewajiban keagamaan dengan pelaksanaan tugas yang setia yang diberikan kepada saya di stesen yang saya telah dipanggil. Dalam memperlihatkan kepada negara saya prinsip-prinsip di mana saya akan diperintah dalam melaksanakan tugas-tugas tersebut, jalan pertama saya adalah dengan Perlembagaan yang akan saya bersumpah sebaik mungkin untuk memelihara, melindungi, dan mempertahankan. Instrumen yang dihormati itu menghitung kuasa dan menetapkan tugas-tugas Majistret Eksekutif, dan dengan kata-kata pertama menyatakan tujuan-tujuan yang mana ini dan seluruh tindakan Kerajaan yang dilancarkan olehnya harus selalu dikhaskan dan dikuduskan secara suci - untuk membentuk sebuah kesatuan yang lebih sempurna, menegakkan keadilan, menjamin ketenangan dalam negeri, menyediakan pertahanan bersama, mempromosikan kesejahteraan umum, dan menjamin keberkatan kebebasan kepada rakyat Kesatuan ini dalam generasi mereka yang berturut-turut. Sejak penggunaan kompak sosial ini, salah satu generasi ini telah meninggal dunia. Ini adalah kerja nenek moyang kita. Ditadbir oleh beberapa orang yang paling terkenal yang menyumbang kepada pembentukannya, melalui periode yang paling penting dalam sejarah dunia, dan melalui semua kedamaian dan perang yang berkaitan dengan keadaan orang yang bersekutu, ia tidak mengecewakan harapan dan aspirasi para dermawan terkenal pada zaman dan negara mereka. Ini telah mempromosikan kesejahteraan negara yang berkekalan dan sangat disayangi oleh kita semua sehingga jauh melebihi kebiasaan umat manusia yang menjamin kebebasan dan kebahagiaan rakyat ini. Kita sekarang menerimanya sebagai harta pusaka yang berharga dari mereka yang kita terhutang budi atas penubuhannya, terikat dua kali oleh contoh-contoh yang telah mereka tinggalkan kepada kita dan oleh berkat-berkat yang telah kita nikmati sebagai hasil kerja mereka untuk menyampaikan yang sama tanpa kesan kepada generasi yang berjaya. Dalam kompas tiga puluh enam tahun sejak perjanjian nasional yang hebat ini didirikan sebuah badan undang-undang yang diberlakukan di bawah kekuasaannya dan sesuai dengan ketentuannya telah melancarkan kekuasaannya dan menjalankan operasi praktikalnya tenaga yang efektif. Jabatan bawahan telah mengagihkan fungsi eksekutif dalam pelbagai hubungannya dengan urusan luar negeri, pendapatan dan perbelanjaan, dan kekuatan tentera Kesatuan melalui darat dan laut. Sebuah jabatan koordinat badan kehakiman telah memperinci Perlembagaan dan undang-undang, yang bertepatan secara harmoni dengan perundangan akan banyak persoalan konstruksi yang berat yang tidak dapat dielakkan oleh ketidaksempurnaan bahasa manusia. Tahun jubli sejak pembentukan pertama Kesatuan kita baru sahaja berlalu, deklarasi kemerdekaan kita sudah dekat. Kesempurnaan kedua-duanya dilakukan oleh Perlembagaan ini.

Sejak tempoh itu, populasi empat juta meningkat kepada dua belas orang. Wilayah yang dibatasi oleh Mississippi telah diperluas dari laut ke laut. Negara-negara Baru telah diterima ke Kesatuan dalam jumlah yang hampir sama dengan Gabungan pertama. Perjanjian damai, persahabatan, dan perdagangan telah disimpulkan dengan kekuasaan utama bumi. Orang-orang dari bangsa-bangsa lain, penduduk wilayah yang diperoleh bukan dengan penaklukan, tetapi oleh kompak, telah bersatu dengan kita dalam penyertaan hak dan tugas, beban dan berkat kita. Hutan telah runtuh oleh kapak tukang kayu kami, tanah telah dibuat untuk dikendalikan oleh penggarapan petani kami yang perdagangan kami telah memutihkan setiap lautan. Penguasaan manusia terhadap sifat fizikal telah diperluas oleh penemuan para seniman kita. Kebebasan dan undang-undang telah berjalan seiring. Semua tujuan pergaulan manusia telah dicapai sama efektifnya dengan pemerintahan lain di dunia, dan dengan biaya yang sedikit melebihi satu generasi pengeluaran negara lain dalam satu tahun.

Ini adalah gambaran yang tidak dapat dibahaskan mengenai keadaan kita di bawah Perlembagaan yang didasarkan pada prinsip hak sama rata republik. Untuk mengakui bahawa gambar ini mempunyai coraknya tetapi untuk mengatakan bahawa ia masih merupakan keadaan manusia di bumi. Dari kejahatan - fizikal, moral, dan politik - bukan tuntutan kita untuk dikecualikan. Kita kadang-kadang menderita oleh kunjungan ke Syurga melalui penyakit yang sering kali disebabkan oleh kesalahan dan ketidakadilan bangsa lain, bahkan hingga ke ujung perang dan, terakhir, oleh perselisihan sesama kita - pertentangan mungkin tidak dapat dipisahkan dari kenikmatan kebebasan, tetapi yang mempunyai lebih dari pernah muncul mengancam pembubaran Kesatuan, dan dengan itu penggulingan semua kenikmatan dari masa kini kita dan semua harapan duniawi kita untuk masa depan. Sebab-sebab perbezaan pendapat ini beragam, didasarkan pada perbezaan spekulasi dalam teori pemerintahan republik atas pandangan bertentangan mengenai kebijakan dalam hubungan kita dengan negara-negara asing atas kecemburuan kepentingan separa dan keratan, yang diperburuk oleh prasangka dan proksi yang asing bagi satu sama lain. pernah berhibur. 5 Ini merupakan sumber kepuasan dan dorongan bagi saya untuk memerhatikan bahawa hasil percubaan yang hebat ini berdasarkan teori hak asasi manusia pada penghujung generasi yang mana ia dibentuk dinobatkan dengan kejayaan yang setara dengan harapan yang paling pasti pengasasnya. Kesatuan, keadilan, ketenangan, pembelaan bersama, kesejahteraan umum, dan berkat-berkat kebebasan - semuanya telah dipromosikan oleh Pemerintah di mana kita hidup. Berdiri pada saat ini, melihat kembali generasi yang telah maju dan maju ke generasi yang maju, kita dapat sekaligus menikmati kegembiraan yang bersyukur dan harapan yang bersorak. Dari pengalaman masa lalu kita memperoleh pelajaran instruktif untuk masa depan. Dari dua parti politik hebat yang telah memecahbelahkan pendapat dan perasaan negara kita, yang jujur ​​dan adil sekarang akan mengakui bahawa kedua-duanya telah menyumbang bakat yang hebat, integriti yang bersih, patriotisme yang bersungguh-sungguh, dan pengorbanan yang tidak berminat untuk pembentukan dan pentadbiran Kerajaan ini, dan bahawa kedua-duanya memerlukan kemahuan liberal untuk sebahagian kelemahan dan kesalahan manusia. Perang revolusi Eropah, bermula tepat pada saat Kerajaan Amerika Syarikat pertama kali beroperasi di bawah Perlembagaan ini, menggegarkan pertembungan sentimen dan simpati yang menyalakan semua nafsu dan memicu konflik pihak sehingga negara terlibat. dalam perang dan Union digoncang ke pusatnya. Masa percubaan ini merangkumi jangka masa lima dan dua puluh tahun, di mana dasar Kesatuan dalam hubungannya dengan Eropah menjadi asas utama perpecahan politik kita dan bahagian yang paling sukar dari tindakan Kerajaan Persekutuan kita. Dengan malapetaka di mana perang Revolusi Perancis berakhir, dan perdamaian kita sendiri dengan Great Britain, rumput perselisihan parti ini dicabut. Sejak saat itu tidak ada perbezaan prinsip, yang dihubungkan dengan teori pemerintahan atau hubungan kita dengan negara asing, yang ada atau dipanggil berlaku yang cukup untuk menopang gabungan pihak yang berkelanjutan atau memberikan lebih banyak animasi yang baik kepada sentimen masyarakat atau perbahasan perundangan. Akidah politik kita adalah, tanpa suara perbezaan pendapat yang dapat didengar, bahawa kehendak rakyat adalah sumber dan kebahagiaan rakyat akhir dari semua pemerintahan yang sah di muka bumi bahawa keamanan terbaik untuk kebaikan dan jaminan terbaik terhadap penyalahgunaan kuasa terdiri dari kebebasan, kesucian, dan kekerapan pilihan raya popular bahawa Kerajaan Umum Kesatuan dan pemerintah Negara yang terpisah adalah semua kedaulatan kuasa terhad, sesama hamba dari tuan yang sama, tidak terkawal dalam masing-masing sfera, yang tidak dapat dikendalikan oleh pencerobohan antara satu sama lain bahawa keamanan damai yang paling tegas adalah persiapan semasa perdamaian pertahanan perang yang harus dijaga oleh ekonomi yang ketat dan pertanggungjawaban perbelanjaan awam terhadap kemerosotan dan mengurangkan apabila mungkin beban cukai yang harus dilakukan oleh tentera harus terus tunduk pada kuasa sivil yang seharusnya menjadi kebebasan akhbar dan pendapat agama menegaskan bahawa dasar negara kita adalah perdamaian dan bahtera kesatuan keselamatan kita adalah artikel iman yang kita semua telah persetujui sekarang. Sekiranya ada orang-orang yang meragukan apakah demokrasi perwakilan gabungan adalah pemerintah yang kompeten untuk pengurusan yang bijak dan teratur mengenai kebimbangan bersama bangsa yang kuat, keraguan tersebut telah dihilangkan jika ada proyek-proyek gabungan yang akan dibangun di atas reruntuhan Kesatuan, mereka telah tersebar ke angin jika ada ikatan berbahaya kepada satu negara asing dan antipati terhadap negara lain, mereka telah dipadamkan. Sepuluh tahun kedamaian, di dalam dan di luar negeri, telah meredakan permusuhan politik dan menyatukan unsur pendapat umum yang paling tidak bertentangan. Masih ada satu usaha kebesaran, satu pengorbanan prasangka dan semangat, yang harus dilakukan oleh individu-individu di seluruh negara yang selama ini mengikuti standard parti politik. Adalah membuang setiap sisa-sisa dendam antara satu sama lain, merangkul sebagai rakan senegara dan teman, dan memberikan bakat dan kebajikan semata-mata keyakinan yang pada masa pertikaian untuk prinsip hanya diberikan kepada mereka yang menanggung lencana persekutuan parti.

Pertembungan semangat parti yang berasal dari pendapat spekulatif atau pandangan politik pentadbiran yang berlainan adalah bersifat sementara. Mereka yang didasarkan pada pembahagian geografi, kepentingan tanah, iklim, dan cara kehidupan rumah tangga yang lebih buruk tetap kekal, dan oleh itu, mungkin, lebih berbahaya. Inilah yang memberi nilai yang tak ternilai kepada watak Kerajaan kita, sekaligus persekutuan dan nasional. Ini memberi kita peringatan terus-menerus untuk memelihara sama dan dengan kegelisahan yang sama hak masing-masing Negara dalam pemerintahannya sendiri dan hak-hak seluruh negara dalam hak Kesatuan. Apa pun yang menjadi perhatian domestik, tidak berkaitan dengan anggota Kesatuan lain atau dengan tanah asing, adalah milik eksklusif pemerintahan pemerintah Negeri. Apa pun yang secara langsung melibatkan hak dan kepentingan persaudaraan persekutuan atau kuasa asing adalah pilihan Kerajaan Umum ini. Tugas keduanya jelas dalam prinsip umum, walaupun kadang-kadang bingung dengan kesulitan dalam perinciannya. Untuk menghormati hak-hak pemerintah Negara adalah kewajiban yang tidak dapat dilanggar oleh Kesatuan, pemerintah setiap Negara akan merasakan kewajibannya sendiri untuk menghormati dan memelihara hak-hak keseluruhan. Prasangka-prasangka di mana-mana yang terlalu sering dilayan terhadap orang-orang asing jauh, dan kecemburuan kepentingan yang berkepentingan dihilangkan oleh komposisi dan fungsi dewan-dewan nasional yang agung yang setiap tahunnya dihimpun dari semua tempat di tempat ini. Di sini orang-orang terhormat dari setiap bahagian di negara kita, ketika bertemu untuk mempertimbangkan kepentingan besar orang-orang yang mereka dilantik, belajar untuk mengira bakat dan menolong kebaikan masing-masing. Keharmonian negara dipromosikan dan seluruh Kesatuan disatukan oleh sentimen saling menghormati, kebiasaan hubungan sosial, dan ikatan persahabatan peribadi yang terjalin antara wakil-wakil beberapa bahagiannya dalam pelaksanaan perkhidmatan mereka di metropolis ini .

Setelah melalui tinjauan umum mengenai tujuan dan perintah Perlembagaan Persekutuan dan hasilnya sebagai menunjukkan jejak pertama jalan tugas dalam melaksanakan amanah awam saya, saya beralih kepada Pentadbiran pendahulunya yang terdekat sebagai yang kedua. Ini telah berlalu dalam masa kedamaian yang mendalam, sejauh mana kepuasan negara kita dan penghormatan nama negara kita diketahui oleh anda semua. Ciri-ciri hebat dari kebijakannya, yang secara umum sesuai dengan kehendak Badan Perundangan, adalah untuk menghargai perdamaian sambil mempersiapkan perang pertahanan untuk menghasilkan keadilan yang tepat kepada bangsa lain dan mempertahankan hak kita sendiri untuk menghargai prinsip-prinsip kebebasan dan kesetaraan. hak di mana sahaja mereka diisytiharkan untuk melepaskan dengan segala kemungkinan hutang negara untuk mengurangkan dalam tahap kecekapan sempit kekuatan tentera untuk meningkatkan organisasi dan disiplin Tentera Darat untuk menyediakan dan mengekalkan sekolah sains ketenteraan untuk memberikan perlindungan yang sama kepada semua kepentingan besar negara untuk mempromosikan peradaban suku India, dan meneruskan sistem penambahbaikan dalaman yang hebat dalam had kuasa perlembagaan Kesatuan. Di bawah janji-janji ini, yang dibuat oleh warganegara terkemuka itu pada saat pertama kali masuk ke pejabat ini, dalam kerjayanya selama lapan tahun cukai dalaman telah dimansuhkan enam puluh juta hutang awam telah dilunaskan peruntukan telah dibuat untuk keselesaan dan kelegaan orang tua dan miskin di kalangan pejuang Revolusi yang masih hidup, angkatan bersenjata biasa telah dikurangkan dan perlembagaannya disemak semula dan menyempurnakan pertanggungjawaban untuk perbelanjaan wang awam telah dibuat lebih berkesan agar orang Floridas diperoleh dengan aman, dan kami sempadan telah diperluas ke Laut Pasifik kemerdekaan negara-negara selatan hemisfera ini telah diakui, dan disarankan oleh teladan dan oleh penasihat kepada calon Eropah kemajuan telah dicapai dalam pertahanan negara dengan kubu dan peningkatan Angkatan Laut, menuju penekanan yang berkesan terhadap lalu lintas orang Afrika dalam memikat para pemburu asli tanah kita ke penanaman tanah dan minda, dalam menerokai kawasan pedalaman Kesatuan, dan dalam mempersiapkan penyelidikan dan tinjauan saintifik untuk penerapan lebih lanjut sumber daya nasional kita untuk peningkatan dalaman negara kita.

Dalam garis besar janji dan prestasi pendahulu terdekat saya ini, garis besar tugas untuk penggantinya digambarkan dengan jelas. Untuk mencapai kesempurnaan mereka, tujuan-tujuan peningkatan dalam keadaan biasa kita yang ditetapkan atau disyorkan olehnya akan merangkumi seluruh bidang tanggungjawab saya. Terhadap topik peningkatan dalaman, yang ditekankan secara tegas olehnya pada pelantikannya, saya berulang dengan kepuasan yang pelik. Dari sinilah saya yakin bahawa jutaan keturunan kita yang belum lahir yang akan menjadi orang-orang di benua ini pada masa akan datang akan mengucapkan terima kasih yang sungguh-sungguh kepada para pengasas Kesatuan yang mana tindakan baik Kerajaannya akan dirasakan sangat mendalam dan diakui. Kegemilangan dan keagungan karya awam mereka adalah antara kemuliaan yang tidak dapat dipisahkan dari republik kuno. Jalan-jalan dan saluran air Rom menjadi kekaguman sepanjang zaman, dan bertahan ribuan tahun setelah semua penaklukannya ditelan oleh despotisme atau menjadi rampasan orang barbar. Beberapa kepelbagaian pendapat telah berlaku sehubungan dengan kekuatan Kongres untuk perundangan atas objek-objek alam ini. Penghormatan yang paling dihormati adalah kerana keraguan yang berasal dari patriotisme murni dan disokong oleh pihak berkuasa yang dihormati. Tetapi hampir dua puluh tahun berlalu sejak pembinaan jalan nasional pertama dimulakan. Kewibawaan untuk pembinaannya kemudiannya tidak diragukan lagi. Sejauh mana beribu-ribu rakyat negara kita telah membuktikan manfaatnya? Kepada individu tunggal mana yang pernah membuktikan kecederaan? Perbincangan berulang kali, liberal, dan jujur ​​di Badan Perundangan telah menyatukan sentimen dan mendekati pendapat fikiran yang tercerahkan mengenai persoalan kekuasaan perlembagaan. Saya tidak dapat berharap bahawa dengan proses musyawarah yang ramah, sabar dan tekun yang sama, semua bantahan perlembagaan akhirnya akan dihapus. Luas dan batasan kuasa Pemerintah Umum sehubungan dengan kepentingan penting yang melampaui batas ini akan diselesaikan dan diakui untuk kepuasan bersama semua, dan setiap masalah spekulatif akan diselesaikan dengan berkat umum yang praktikal.

Saudara-saudara sekalian, anda mengetahui keadaan aneh dalam pilihan raya baru-baru ini, yang telah memberi saya peluang untuk menghubungi anda pada masa ini. Anda telah mendengar pengungkapan prinsip-prinsip yang akan mengarahkan saya dalam memenuhi kepercayaan tinggi dan sungguh-sungguh yang diberikan kepada saya di stesen ini. Kurang yakin dengan keyakinan anda terlebih dahulu daripada pendahulunya, saya sangat sedar akan prospek bahawa saya akan lebih tegas dan memerlukan perhatian anda. Niat lurus dan murni, hati yang ditujukan untuk kesejahteraan negara kita, dan penerapan tanpa henti dari semua fakulti yang diberikan kepada saya untuk perkhidmatannya adalah semua janji yang dapat saya berikan untuk melaksanakan setia tugas berat yang harus saya laksanakan. Untuk bimbingan dewan perundangan, untuk bantuan eksekutif dan jabatan bawahan, untuk kerjasama ramah pemerintah negeri masing-masing, untuk sokongan yang jujur ​​dan liberal dari rakyat sejauh mungkin diperlukan oleh industri dan semangat yang jujur, Saya akan mencari apa jua kejayaan yang dapat dicapai dalam perkhidmatan awam saya dan mengetahui bahawa "kecuali TUHAN menjaga kota, penjaga tetap terbangun tetapi sia-sia," dengan doa yang kuat untuk nikmat-Nya, atas ketentuan-Nya yang berlebihan yang saya lakukan dengan keyakinan rendah hati tetapi tanpa rasa takut akan nasib saya sendiri dan nasib masa depan negara saya.


Seruan agar Presiden Trump disingkirkan dari pejabat semakin meningkat

Van Buren terlepas menonton Harrison menyampaikan alamat sulung terpanjang dalam sejarah, berlangsung selama satu jam 45 minit. Dia kemudian menjadi presiden pertama yang mati dalam jawatan, hanya sebulan setelah pelantikan itu, kemungkinan besar akibat menelan bekalan air yang tercemar di kediaman White House, menurut Perpustakaan Kongres.

John Tyler menggantikannya dengan menjadi naib presiden pertama yang naik ke jawatan presiden setelah kematian atau peletakan jawatan presiden sebelumnya.

Andrew Johnson, 1869

Johnson adalah presiden terbaru yang menolak untuk tampil pada pelantikan penggantinya setelah dia enggan menghadiri upacara Ulysses S. Grant pada era pasca-Perang Saudara.

Johnson, seorang Demokrat dari Tennessee, telah naik ke jawatan presiden setelah Presiden Republik Abraham Lincoln dibunuh pada tahun 1865.

Ketidaksopanannya dalam parti sendiri menyebabkan dia bahkan tidak mendapat pencalonan dalam pilihan raya tahun 1868. Johnson dan Trump berkongsi kenyataan bahawa kedua-duanya dihina oleh Dewan Perwakilan selama satu penggal mereka, dan keduanya dibebaskan oleh Senat.

Grant, pemimpin Union Army dalam Perang Saudara, menang dengan mudah atas bekas gabenor New York, Horatio Seymour pada pilihan raya 1868.

Grant dan Johnson mempunyai hubungan perselisihan, dengan laporan yang menunjukkan bahawa Grant akan menolak untuk berkongsi kereta dengan Johnson pergi ke dan dari Capitol, menurut The Washington Post.

Johnson pada awalnya bertekad untuk menghadiri upacara itu, tetapi berubah pikiran dan tetap berada di Gedung Putih menandatangani bil sementara Grant dilantik.


Evolusi Pemindahan Kuasa secara Damai

Sejak tahun 1801, pertukaran kuasa secara aman tetap menjadi ciri pemerintah A.S., bergabung dengan sistem dua pihak sebagai aspek utama dalam memastikan demokrasi yang sihat.

Adams & # x2019s pemergian awal pagi, majoriti presiden keluar telah menghadiri perasmian pengganti mereka. Pengecualian yang ketara termasuk anak lelaki Adams & # x2019 sendiri, John Quincy Adams, yang enggan menghadiri perasmian pertama Andrew Jackson & # x2019 pada tahun 1829 dan Andrew Johnson yang diperang, yang enggan menghadiri perasmian Ulysses S. Grant sebagai penggantinya pada tahun 1869, memilih untuk sebaliknya mengadakan mesyuarat akhir kabinetnya.

Adat istiadat untuk presiden yang telah keluar telah berubah selama bertahun-tahun, menurut Jawatankuasa Kongres Bersama pada Upacara Perasmian. Pada tahun 1837, Jackson dan penggantinya, Martin Van Buren, memulakan tradisi baru dengan berkuda bersama-sama ke perasmian Van Buren & # x2019 di Capitol A.S. Sehingga awal abad ke-20, para presiden yang keluar dan masuk juga bersama-sama kembali ke Rumah Putih selepas upacara perasmian. Theodore Roosevelt adalah yang pertama meninggalkan pola ini pada tahun 1909 dengan menuju terus dari Capitol ke Union Station, di mana dia menaiki kereta api ke New York.

Kemudian presiden, seperti Harry Truman, Dwight D. Eisenhower dan Lyndon B. Johnson, meninggalkan perkarangan Capitol dengan kereta. Sejak Gerald Ford & # x2019 meninggalkan pejabat pada tahun 1977, setiap presiden dan wanita pertama yang keluar telah meninggalkan upacara perasmian melalui helikopter, sehingga pengganti mereka menghadiri majlis makan tengah hari di bangunan Capitol. & # XA0


George Washington memberikan ucapan perasmian presiden pertama

Pada 30 April 1789, George Washington dilantik sebagai presiden Amerika pertama dan menyampaikan ucapan perasmian pertama di Federal Hall di New York City. Unsur-unsur upacara menetapkan tradisi peresmian presiden telah sedikit menyimpang dalam dua abad sejak perasmian Washington.

Di hadapan 10,000 penonton, Washington tampil dengan sut pakaian berwarna coklat polos yang memegang pedang tentera upacara. Pada 6 & # x2032 3, Washington menunjukkan sosok yang mengagumkan dan sungguh-sungguh ketika dia mengangkat sumpah jawatan yang berdiri di balkoni kedua Dewan Persekutuan. Dengan Naib Presiden John Adams berdiri di sebelahnya, Washington mengulangi kata-kata yang diminta oleh Canselor Robert R. Livingston, mencium Alkitab dan kemudian pergi ke ruang Senat untuk menyampaikan ucapan sulungnya.

Para pemerhati menyatakan bahawa Washington kelihatan seolah-olah dia lebih suka menghadapi tembakan meriam dan musket daripada memimpin politik negara itu. Dia gelisah, dengan tangannya di satu poket, dan berbicara dengan suara rendah, kadang-kadang tidak dapat didengar ketika dia mengulangi emosi kebimbangan dan kehormatan yang bercampur-campur yang dia rasakan ketika memegang peranan sebagai presiden. Sebagian besar, pidatonya terdiri dari umum, tetapi dia secara langsung menangani perlunya Perlembagaan dan Rang Undang-Undang Hak yang kuat dan sering menekankan kebaikan masyarakat. He told the House of Representatives that he declined to be paid beyond such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require. In deference to the power of Congress, Washington promised to give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good.


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Gilder Lehrman Collection #: GLC06661 Author/Creator: Adams, John Quincy (1767-1848) Place Written: Washington, D.C. Type: Broadside Date: 4 March 1825 Pagination: 1 p. : docket 54 x 37.4 cm.

President Adams inaugural address printed in an extra from the National Intelligencer, a Washington, D.C., newspaper.

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Adams' Inaugural - History

It follows the full text transcript of John Adams' Inaugural Address, delivered in the Congress Hall at Philadelphia, Pennsylvania - March 4, 1797.


When it was first perceived, in early times,

that no middle course for America remained between unlimited submission to a foreign legislature and a total independence of its claims, men of reflection were less apprehensive of danger from the formidable power of fleets and armies they must determine to resist than from those contests and dissensions which would certainly arise concerning the forms of government to be instituted over the whole and over the parts of this extensive country.

Relying, however, on the purity of their intentions, the justice of their cause, and the integrity and intelligence of the people, under an overruling Providence which had so signally protected this country from the first, the representatives of this nation, then consisting of little more than half its present number, not only broke to pieces the chains which were forging and the rod of iron that was lifted up, but frankly cut asunder the ties which had bound them, and launched into an ocean of uncertainty.

The zeal and ardor of the people during the Revolutionary war, supplying the place of government, commanded a degree of order sufficient at least for the temporary preservation of society. The Confederation which was early felt to be necessary was prepared from the models of the Batavian and Helvetic confederacies, the only examples which remain with any detail and precision in history, and certainly the only ones which the people at large had ever considered. But reflecting on the striking difference in so many particulars between this country and those where a courier may go from the seat of government to the frontier in a single day, it was then certainly foreseen by some who assisted in Congress at the formation of it that it could not be durable.

Negligence of its regulations, inattention to its recommendations, if not disobedience to its authority, not only in individuals but in States, soon appeared with their melancholy consequences - universal languor, jealousies and rivalries of States, decline of navigation and commerce, discouragement of necessary manufactures, universal fall in the value of lands and their produce, contempt of public and private faith, loss of consideration and credit with foreign nations, and at length in discontents, animosities, combinations, partial conventions, and insurrection, threatening some great national calamity.

In this dangerous crisis the people of America were not abandoned by their usual good sense, presence of mind, resolution, or integrity. Measures were pursued to concert a plan to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty. The public disquisitions, discussions, and deliberations issued in the present happy Constitution of Government.

Employed in the service of my country abroad during the whole course of these transactions, I first saw the Constitution of the United States in a foreign country. Irritated by no literary altercation, animated by no public debate, heated by no party animosity, I read it with great satisfaction, as the result of good heads prompted by good hearts, as an experiment better adapted to the genius, character, situation, and relations of this nation and country than any which had ever been proposed or suggested. In its general principles and great outlines it was conformable to such a system of government as I had ever most esteemed, and in some States, my own native State in particular, had contributed to establish.

Claiming a right of suffrage, in common with my fellow citizens, in the adoption or rejection of a constitution which was to rule me and my posterity, as well as them and theirs, I did not hesitate to express my approbation of it on all occasions, in public and in private. It was not then, nor has been since, any objection to it in my mind that the Executive and Senate were not more permanent. Nor have I ever entertained a thought of promoting any alteration in it but such as the people themselves, in the course of their experience, should see and feel to be necessary or expedient, and by their representatives in Congress and the State legislatures, according to the Constitution itself, adopt and ordain.

Returning to the bosom of my country after a painful separation from it for ten years, I had the honor to be elected to a station under the new order of things, and I have repeatedly laid myself under the most serious obligations to support the Constitution. The operation of it has equaled the most sanguine expectations of its friends, and from an habitual attention to it, satisfaction in its administration, and delight in its effects upon the peace, order, prosperity, and happiness of the nation I have acquired an habitual attachment to it and veneration for it.

What other form of government, indeed, can so well deserve our esteem and love?

There may be little solidity in an ancient idea that congregations of men into cities and nations are the most pleasing objects in the sight of superior intelligences, but this is very certain, that to a benevolent human mind there can be no spectacle presented by any nation more pleasing, more noble, majestic, or august, than an assembly like that which has so often been seen in this and the other Chamber of Congress, of a Government in which the Executive authority, as well as that of all the branches of the Legislature, are exercised by citizens selected at regular periods by their neighbors to make and execute laws for the general good.

Can anything essential, anything more than mere ornament and decoration, be added to this by robes and diamonds? Can authority be more amiable and respectable when it descends from accidents or institutions established in remote antiquity than when it springs fresh from the hearts and judgments of an honest and enlightened people?

For it is the people only that are represented. It is their power and majesty that is reflected, and only for their good, in every legitimate government, under whatever form it may appear. The existence of such a government as ours for any length of time is a full proof of a general dissemination of knowledge and virtue throughout the whole body of the people. And what object or consideration more pleasing than this can be presented to the human mind? If national pride is ever justifiable or excusable it is when it springs, not from power or riches, grandeur or glory, but from conviction of national innocence, information, and benevolence.

In the midst of these pleasing ideas we should be unfaithful to ourselves if we should ever lose sight of the danger to our liberties if anything partial or extraneous should infect the purity of our free, fair, virtuous, and independent elections. If an election is to be determined by a majority of a single vote, and that can be procured by a party through artifice or corruption, the Government may be the choice of a party for its own ends, not of the nation for the national good. If that solitary suffrage can be obtained by foreign nations by flattery or menaces, by fraud or violence, by terror, intrigue, or venality, the Government may not be the choice of the American people, but of foreign nations. It may be foreign nations who govern us, and not we, the people, who govern ourselves and candid men will acknowledge that in such cases choice would have little advantage to boast of over lot or chance.

Such is the amiable and interesting system of government (and such are some of the abuses to which it may be exposed) which the people of America have exhibited to the admiration and anxiety of the wise and virtuous of all nations for eight years under the administration of a citizen who, by a long course of great actions, regulated by prudence, justice, temperance, and fortitude, conducting a people inspired with the same virtues and animated with the same ardent patriotism and love of liberty to independence and peace, to increasing wealth and unexampled prosperity, has merited the gratitude of his fellow-citizens, commanded the highest praises of foreign nations, and secured immortal glory with posterity.

In that retirement which is his voluntary choice may he long live to enjoy the delicious recollection of his services, the gratitude of mankind, the happy fruits of them to himself and the world, which are daily increasing, and that splendid prospect of the future fortunes of this country which is opening from year to year. His name may be still a rampart, and the knowledge that he lives a bulwark, against all open or secret enemies of his country's peace. This example has been recommended to the imitation of his successors by both Houses of Congress and by the voice of the legislatures and the people throughout the nation.

On this subject it might become me better to be silent or to speak with diffidence but as something may be expected, the occasion, I hope, will be admitted as an apology if I venture to say that if a preference, upon principle, of a free republican government, formed upon long and serious reflection, after a diligent and impartial inquiry after truth if an attachment to the Constitution of the United States, and a conscientious determination to support it until it shall be altered by the judgments and wishes of the people, expressed in the mode prescribed in it if a respectful attention to the constitutions of the individual States and a constant caution and delicacy toward the State governments if an equal and impartial regard to the rights, interest, honor, and happiness of all the States in the Union, without preference or regard to a northern or southern, an eastern or western, position, their various political opinions on unessential points or their personal attachments if a love of virtuous men of all parties and denominations if a love of science and letters and a wish to patronize every rational effort to encourage schools, colleges, universities, academies, and every institution for propagating knowledge, virtue, and religion among all classes of the people, not only for their benign influence on the happiness of life in all its stages and classes, and of society in all its forms, but as the only means of preserving our Constitution from its natural enemies, the spirit of sophistry, the spirit of party, the spirit of intrigue, the profligacy of corruption, and the pestilence of foreign influence, which is the angel of destruction to elective governments if a love of equal laws, of justice, and humanity in the interior administration if an inclination to improve agriculture, commerce, and manufacturers for necessity, convenience, and defense if a spirit of equity and humanity toward the aboriginal nations of America, and a disposition to meliorate their condition by inclining them to be more friendly to us, and our citizens to be more friendly to them if an inflexible determination to maintain peace and inviolable faith with all nations, and that system of neutrality and impartiality among the belligerent powers of Europe which has been adopted by this Government and so solemnly sanctioned by both Houses of Congress and applauded by the legislatures of the States and the public opinion, until it shall be otherwise ordained by Congress if a personal esteem for the French nation, formed in a residence of seven years chiefly among them, and a sincere desire to preserve the friendship which has been so much for the honor and interest of both nations if, while the conscious honor and integrity of the people of America and the internal sentiment of their own power and energies must be preserved, an earnest endeavor to investigate every just cause and remove every colorable pretense of complaint if an intention to pursue by amicable negotiation a reparation for the injuries that have been committed on the commerce of our fellow citizens by whatever nation, and if success can not be obtained, to lay the facts before the Legislature, that they may consider what further measures the honor and interest of the Government and its constituents demand if a resolution to do justice as far as may depend upon me, at all times and to all nations, and maintain peace, friendship, and benevolence with all the world if an unshaken confidence in the honor, spirit, and resources of the American people, on which I have so often hazarded my all and never been deceived if elevated ideas of the high destinies of this country and of my own duties toward it, founded on a knowledge of the moral principles and intellectual improvements of the people deeply engraven on my mind in early life, and not obscured but exalted by experience and age and, with humble reverence, I feel it to be my duty to add, if a veneration for the religion of a people who profess and call themselves Christians, and a fixed resolution to consider a decent respect for Christianity among the best recommendations for the public service, can enable me in any degree to comply with your wishes, it shall be my strenuous endeavor that this sagacious injunction of the two Houses shall not be without effect.

With this great example before me, with the sense and spirit, the faith and honor, the duty and interest, of the same American people pledged to support the Constitution of the United States, I entertain no doubt of its continuance in all its energy, and my mind is prepared without hesitation to lay myself under the most solemn obligations to support it to the utmost of my power.

And may that Being who is supreme over all, the Patron of Order, the Fountain of Justice, and the Protector in all ages of the world of virtuous liberty, continue His blessing upon this nation and its Government and give it all possible success and duration consistent with the ends of His providence.


Transitions at the White House

Transitions from one presidential administration to another have changed throughout the years. Below is a list of highlighted facts about White House transition.

  • 1801 - President John Adams did not attend Thomas Jefferson’s inauguration. He departed from the White House at 4 am the morning of his successor’s inauguration. While Adams never recorded why he left, he may have wanted to avoid provoking violence between Federalists and Democratic-Republicans, as this was the first time the presidency was transferred to an opposing party. He was also never formally invited by Jefferson and perhaps didn’t want to impose.
  • 1829 - Like his father, John Adams, President John Quincy Adams did not attend the inauguration of his successor. President-elect Andrew Jackson arrived in Washington on February 11, 1829. He did not call on President Adams, nor did Adams invite Jackson to the White House. Later that month, President Adams moved to a mansion on Meridian Hill in Washington, D.C., and officially departed the White House on the evening of March 3, the day before the inauguration of President Jackson.
  • 1837 - President Andrew Jackson attended the inauguration of Martin Van Buren. This was the first time that an outgoing and incoming president rode together in a carriage to the Capitol for the inaugural ceremony. The carriage featured wooden pieces from the USS Constitution.
  • 1841 - President-elect William Henry Harrison arrived in Washington, D.C. in February 1841, occupying the National Hotel on Pennsylvania Avenue. On February 10, he met with Van Buren at the White House. On February 12, Van Buren hosted Harrison and others for dinner at the White House. When the National Hotel became overcrowded, Van Buren offered to leave the White House early to accommodate Harrison, but the president-elect decided to take a brief trip to Virginia before the inauguration.
  • 1845 - While staying at the National Hotel in 1845, James K. Polk and his family were invited to the White House by President John Tyler for a dinner on March 1, three days before inauguration. That same day, Tyler signed a joint resolution passed by Congress that offered Texas admission into the Union.
  • 1849 - The Polks left the White House on March 3, 1849 for the Willard Hotel. The typical March 4 inauguration was delayed until the 5th as the 4th fell on a Sunday. President Polk used the vice president’s office in the Capitol for last minute work. On March 4, his last day at the White House, he wrote in his diary, “I feel exceedingly relieved that I am now free from all public cares. I am sure I shall be a happier man in my retirement than I have been during the four years I have filled the highest office in the gift of my countrymen.”
  • 1853 - In 1853, President-elect Franklin Pierce was treated to a dinner party by President Millard Fillmore. The Fillmores moved out of the White House the day before inauguration to the Willard Hotel, renting space there while their home in Buffalo was being furnished. Fillmore rode with Pierce to the Capitol for the oath of office—Pierce remained standing to acknowledge the cheering onlookers.
  • 1857 - In 1857, James Buchanan stayed at the Willard Hotel before the inauguration. He visited President Franklin Pierce on January 27—that same day there was also a public reception at the White House. Afterwards, Buchanan returned to Pennsylvania before traveling back to Washington, D.C. Early on March 4, Pierce said final farewells to his cabinet before riding with Buchanan to the Capitol for the inaugural ceremony, the first inaugural known to have been photographed.
  • 1869 - In 1869, President Andrew Johnson did not attend the inauguration of his successor, Ulysses S. Grant. Johnson's impeachment, coupled with Grant's rise within the Republican Party, created a mutual dislike between the two men. Ultimately, Johnson decided not to attend and spent his morning signing last-minute legislation.
  • 1877 - Rutherford B. Hayes was the first president to take the oath in the White House. He was invited to dine with President Ulysses S. Grant, who insisted that Hayes take the oath privately (as March 4 fell on a Sunday) so he did in the Red Room. Hayes then took the oath publicly on Monday, March 5.
  • 1889 - On February 27, 1889, President-elect Benjamin Harrison and his family were honored with a dinner at the White House. On the morning of March 4, President Grover Cleveland and President-elect Harrison went to the inauguration. Before they left the White House, First Lady Frances Folsom Cleveland and her husband signed photograph albums for staff.
  • 1897 - In March 1897, First Lady Frances Folsom Cleveland was sad to leave the White House for the second (and final) time. President Grover Cleveland took a final walk among the State Rooms, asking one of the staff to remove the portrait of him for storage in the attic. Before the inauguration, Cleveland and the new president, William McKinley, spoke amiably in the Blue Room.
  • 1909 - Shortly after taking office in 1909, President William Howard Taft was asked how he liked being president. President Taft replied, “I hardly know yet . . . When I hear someone say Mr. President, I look around expecting to see Roosevelt [Theodore, his predecessor]. . . So you can see that I have not gone very far yet.” After the ceremony, First Lady Helen Taft rode from the Capitol back to the White House with her husband, the first time a president’s spouse had done so.
  • 1921 - On March 4, 1921, President Warren G, Harding opened his presidency with a luncheon provided by outgoing First Lady Edith Wilson at the White House. He then received citizens from his hometown of Marion, Ohio, in the East Room, went to the executive offices, and met with the Hamilton Club of Chicago before dining at the White House.
  • 1929 - President Calvin Coolidge hosted a dinner for members of his cabinet the night before leaving office. The next day, March 4, 1929, the Coolidges gave small gifts to the White House staff. After a brief meeting between the Coolidges and Hoovers in the Blue Room, the party departed for Capitol Hill for the inauguration ceremony. Upon assuming office, President Hoover added more telephones and radios to the White House, expanding its technological capabilities. Among the objects Hoover brought to the White House was an engraving of Francis Carpenter’s First Reading of the Emancipation Proclamation before the Cabinet, featuring President Abraham Lincoln.
  • 1933 - During the transition between presidents Herbert Hoover and Franklin D. Roosevelt, the two met in the Red Room for tea on March 3, 1933, holding a rather cool meeting on how to deal with the country’s growing economic woes. On the morning of the inauguration, Hoover’s cabinet met one final time before the Hoovers met the Roosevelts in their cars outside the North Portico.
  • 1953 - Before Inauguration Day on January 20, 1953, the Eisenhowers stayed at the Statler Hotel. The previous December, First Lady Bess Truman had shown the newly renovated White House to Mrs. Eisenhower. While at the Statler, the incoming first family was joined by their son, John, on temporary leave from military service in Korea. President-elect Eisenhower wore a stiff-curl brimmed hat instead of the more traditional high silk hat.
  • 1961 - After a snowstorm the preceding night, President John F. Kennedy was inaugurated on January 20, 1961. The transition between Kennedy and Dwight Eisenhower was smooth with the Brookings Institute providing transition reports in the weeks before inauguration.
  • 1963 - Congress passes the Presidential Transition Act to promote the orderly transfer of power across the federal government. “The law requires the General Services Administration to provide office space and other core support services to presidents-elect and vice Presidents-elect, as well as pre-election space and support to major candidates. The Act also requires the White House and agencies to begin transition planning well before a presidential election, benefitting both first and second term administrations.” Learn More.
  • 1969 - Despite the national tension of the late 1960s, President Lyndon Johnson remained dedicated to a smooth transition of power, speaking with candidates Richard Nixon, Hubert Humphrey, and George Wallace. President Johnson delivered his last State of the Union on January 14, 1969. The last letters President Johnson signed in the White House were letters to his sons-in law, then serving in Vietnam.
  • 1980 - In 1980, the Reagan and Carter transition teams held a meeting at the White House movie theater. This was only the second time a transition team had held a meeting in the White House. The first was when the Ford and Carter teams met in 1976. President Carter worked nonstop during the final days of his administration to secure the release of 52 Americans hostages held by Iran. He was still making calls fifteen minutes before the Reagans arrived at the White House for the inauguration. The hostages were released minutes after Ronald Reagan was sworn into office.
  • 1993 - On January 20, 1993, President George H.W. Bush began a new presidential tradition—leaving behind a congratulatory letter for his successor. In his letter to President-elect Bill Clinton, Bush wrote: “You will be our President when you read this note. I wish you well. I wish your family well. Your success now is our country’s success. I am rooting hard for you. Good Luck.”
  • There have been three sitting presidents who have not attended any of the inaugural ceremonies of their successors: John Adams (1801), John Quincy Adams (1829), and Andrew Johnson (1869). Two others, Martin Van Buren (1841) and Woodrow Wilson (1921), were inside the U.S. Capitol signing last-minute legislation but did not attend the public ceremony outside. It is unknown why Van Buren did not participate, as he and William Henry Harrison were cordial and Van Buren even hosted Harrison for dinner at the White House before the inauguration. One possible explanation was that his son, Martin Van Buren Jr., was ill and he left to be with him. Woodrow Wilson accompanied his successor, Warren G. Harding, to the Capitol but did not stay for the public ceremony because of his poor health. Wilson had suffered a stroke in 1919, and was still experiencing health issues when he left office. Finally, Richard Nixon (1974) resigned the office of the presidency on August 9, 1974, and did not stay to witness his successor Gerald R. Ford take the Oath of Office in the White House East Room. While the sitting president was not there, this occasion was considered a presidential succession and not a traditional inauguration.

Compiled by the White House Historical Association. Please credit the Association by its full name when using this as background material. Specific sources consulted available upon request.


Inaugural Address, 4 March 1797

When, < in early times > it was first perceived in early times that no middle course < remained > for America remained between unlimited submission to a foreign Legislature, and a total Independence of its claims: men of reflection, were less apprehensive of danger, from the formidable Power of fleets and Armies they must determine to resist than from those Contests and dissentions, which would certainly arise, concerning the forms of Government to be instituted, over the whole and over the parts of this extensive Country. Relying however, on the purity of their intentions, the Justice of their cause, and the Integrity and Intelligence of the People under an overruling Providence, which had so Signally protected this Country from the first, The Representatives of this Nation, [. . .] not only broke little more than half its present Number to pieces the chains which were forging, and the Rod of Iron that was lifted up, but frankly cutt asunder the Ties which had bound them and launched into an ocean of Uncertainty.

The Zeal and ardour of the People, during the revolutionary War, supplying the Place of Government, commanded a degree of order, sufficient at least for the temporary preservation of Society. The Confederation, which was early felt to be necessary, was prepared, from the models of the Batavian and Helvetic Confederacies, the only Examples which remain with any detail and precision, in History, and certainly the only ones, which the People at large, had ever considered. But reflecting on the Striking difference in so many particulars, between this country and those, where a Courier may go from the seat of Government to the frontier in a single day, it was then certainly foreseen by Some who assisted in Congress at the formulation of it, that it could not < continue for ten Years > be durable.

Negligence of its regulations, inattention to its recommendations, if not disobedience to its authority, not only in individuals but in States, soon appeared with their melancholly consequences Universal Languor—jealousies and Rivalries of States decline of navigation and Commerce discouragement of necessary manufacturers universall fall in the value of Lands and their produce contempt of public and private faith loss of consideration and credit with foreign nations and at length, in discontents, Animosities, combinations, partial conventions, and insurrection, threatning some great national Calamity.

In this dangerous < emeregen > Crisis, the People of America, were not abandoned, by their usual good Sense, presence of Mind, resolution or integrity.—Measures were pursued to concert a Plan, to form a more perfect Union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility provide for the common defence, promote the general Welfare, and Secure the blessings of Liberty. The public disquisitions, discussions and deliberations issued in the present happy Constitutions of Government.

Employed in the Service of my Country abroad, during the whole course of these transactions, I first saw the Constitution of the United States in a foreign Country. Irritated by no litterary [Alliteration] , animated by no public debate, heated by no party animosity, I read it with great Satisfaction, as a result of good heads, prompted by good hearts as an Experiment, better adapted to the Genius, Character, Situation and relations of this nation and Country, than any which had ever been proposed or suggested. In its general Principles and great outlines, it was conformable to such a system of Government, as I had ever most esteemed and in some States, my own native state < particularly > in particular, had contributed to establish. Claiming a right of Suffrage, in common with my fellow Citizens, in the Adoption or rejection of a Constitution which was to rule me and my Posterity, as well as them and theirs, I did not hesitate to express my Approbation of it, on all Occasions, in public and in private. It was not then, nor has been since, any Objection to it, in my mind that the Executive and Senate were not more permanent. If there is any Party in this Country formed for the purpose of introducing an hereditary or even a more permanent Executive or Senate, which [however] I have no reason to believe or suspect, I am not entirely < of that number > possessed of their [Confidence] , nor Admitted to their Secret. Nor have I ever entertain’d a thought of promoting any Alteration in it, but Such as the People themselves, in the course of their experience Should see and feel to be necessary or expedient and by their Representations in Congress and the state Legislatures, according to the Constitution itself adopt and ordain.

Returning to the bosom of my Country, after a painful Seperation from it for ten Years, I had [the honour] to be elected to a station under the new order of Things, [. . .] of which have been attended with as much constancy as my health and strength would admit, and I have repeatedly laid myself under the most Serious Obligations to Support the Constitution. The operation of it has equalled the most sanguine Expectations of its Friends: and from an habitual Attention to it satisfaction on its administration and delight in its effects, upon the Peace, order, Prosperity and Happiness of the nation, I have acquired an habitual Attachment to it, and Veneration for it.

What other form of Government indeed can so well deserve our Esteem and love?

There may be little Solidity in an ancient idea that congregations of Men into Cities and nations, are the most pleasing Objects in the sight of Superiour Intelligencies: but this is very certain, that to a benevolent human Mind, there can be no Spectacle presented by any nation, more pleasing, more noble, majestic, or august, than an Assembly like that which has so often been seen in this and the other chamber of Congress, of a Government, in which the Executive Authority, as well as that of all the Branches of the Legislature are exercised by Citizens selected, at regular periods, by their neighbours to make and execute Laws for the general good. Can any Thing essential? any Thing more than mere ornament and decoration be added to this by Robes or Diamonds? Can Authority be more [amiable] or respectable when it descends from [Accidents, or ] , or []tions established in remote Antiquity, than when [. . .] fresh from the Hearts and Judgments [. . .] and enlightened People? For it is [. . .] represented? it is their [. . .] and only for their [. . .] under whatever form, it may appear. The Existence of Such a Government as ours, for any length of time, is a full proof of a general dissemination of Knowledge and Virtue, throughout the whole body of the People. And what Object or Consideration more pleasing than this can be presented to the human mind? If national pride is ever justifiable or excusable it is when it Springs, not from Power or Riches, Grandeur or Glory, but from conviction of national Innocence Information and Benevolence.

In the midst of these pleasing Ideas, We Should be unfaithfull to ourselves, if We Should ever loose sight of the danger to our Liberties, if any thing partial or extraneous Should infect the Purity of our free, fair, virtuous and independent Elections. If an Election is to be determined by a majority of a single Vote, and that, can be procured by a Party, through Artifice or corruption, the Government may be the Choice of a Party, for its own Ends, not of the nation for the national good. If that Solitary Suffrage can be obtained by foreign nations by Flattery or Menaces, by fraud or Violence, by terror Intrigue or Venality, the Government may not be the choice of the American People, but of foreign nations. It may be foreign nations who govern Us, and not We the People who govern ourselves. And candid Men will acknowledge, that in Such Cases, Choice would have little Advantage to boast of our Lot or Chance.

Such is the amiable and interesting System of Government (and such are some of the Abuses to which it may be exposed) which the People of America have exhibited to the Admiration and Anxiety of the Wise and virtuous of all nations for Eight Years under the Administration of a Citizen, who by a long Course of great Actions, regulated by Prudence, Justice, Temperance and Fortitude conducting a People, inspired with the same Virtues and animated with the same ardent Patriotism and love of Liberty, to independence and Peace, to increasing Wealth and unexampled Prosperity has merited the Gratitude of his Fellow Citizens, commanded the highest Praises of foreign nations, and Secured immortal glory with Posterity.

In that retirement which is his voluntary choice, may he long live to enjoy, the delicious recollection of his Services, the Gratitude of < his Country > Mankind the happy fruits of them to himself and the World, which are daily increasing, and that Splendid Prospect of the future Fortunes of his Country, which is opening from Year to Year. His Name < will > may be still a rampart, and the Knowledge that he lives a Bulwark, against all open or Secret Ennemies of his Countries Peace. This < great > Example has been recommended to the imitation of his Successors, by both Houses of Congress, and by the Voice of the Legislatures and the People, throughout the nation.

On this Subject it might become me better to be Silent, or to Speak with diffidence: But as Something may be expected, the occasion, I hope will be admitted as an Apology, if I venture to Say

If, a Preference, upon principle, of a free Republican government, formed upon long and Serious Reflection, after a diligent and impartial Inquiry after truth if, an Attachment to the constitution of the United States, and a conscientious determination to support it, untill it Shall be altered by the Judgments and Wishes of the People, expressed in the mode prescribed in it—if, a respectfull Attention to the constitutions of the individual States, and a constant caution and delicacy towards the State government if an equal and impartial regard to the Rights Interests, honour and Happiness of all the States in the Union, without preference or regard to a northern or Southern an Eastern or Western position, their various political opinions on unessential Points Sentiments or their personal Attachments If, a Love of virtuous men of all Parties and denominations if a love of Science and letters, and a wish to patronize every rational Effort to encourage Schools Colledges, Universities Academies and every Institution for propagating Knowledge, Virtue and Religion among all Classes of the People: not only for their benign Influence on the happiness of life in all its stages and Classes and of Society in all its forms but as the only means of preserving our Constitution from its natural Enemies the Spirit of Sophistry, the Spirit of Party, the Spirit of Intrigue, the profligacy of Corruption and the Pestilence of foreign Influence, which is the Angel of destruction to elective Governments If, a love of equal Laws, of Justice and humanity in the interiour Administration if an inclination to improve Agriculture, Commerce, and Manufactures for Necessity Convenience and defence if, a Spirit of Equity and humanity towards the aboriginal nations of America and a disposition to meliorate their condition, by inclining them to be more friendly to Us, and our Citizens to be more friendly to them If, an inflexible determination to maintain Peace and inviolable Faith, with all Nations, and that System of Neutrality and Impartiality, among the belligerent Powers of Europe which has been adopted by< my predecessor > this Government, and So Solemnly Sanctioned by both houses of Congress, and applauded by the Legislatures of the states and the publick opinion untill it shall be otherwise ordained by Congress if, a personal Esteem for the French nation, formed in a residence of Seven years, chiefly among them, and a sincere desire to preserve the friendship which has been so much for the honour and Interest of both nations if, while the conscious honour and Integrity of the People of America, and the internal Sentiment of their own Power and Ennergies must be preserved, an earnest Endeavour to investigate every just cause and remove every colourable Pretence of complaint if an Intention to pursue by amiable negotiation a Reparation for the Injuries that have been committed on the Commerce of our Fellow Citizens, by Whatever Nation and if Success cannot be obtained, to lay the Facts before the Legislature that they may consider, what further measures the honour and Interest of the Government and its Constituents demand. if, a resolution to do Justice, as far as may depend upon me at all times and to all nations, and maintain Peace, Friendship and Benevolence with all the World if an unshaken Confidence in the honour, Spirit, and Resources of < my country > the American People on which I have So often hazarded my all and never been deceived if, elevated Ideas of the high Destinies of this Country, and of my own duties towards it founded on a Knowledge of the moral Principles and intellectual improvements of the People, deeply engraven on my mind in early Life, and not obscured but exalted by Experience and Age—And, with humble Reverence I feel it to be my Duty to add, if, a veneration for the Religion of a People, who profess and call themselves Christians, and a fixed resolution to consider a decent respect for Christianity, among the best Recommendations for the public service: can enable me, in any degree to comply with your Wishes, it shall be my strenuous Endeavour, that this Sagacious Injunction of the two houses shall not be without Effect.

With < such and > this great Example before me with the Sense and Spirit, the Faith and Honour, the duty and Interest of the Same American People, pledged to Support the Constitution of the United States I entertain no doubt of its continuance, in all its Ennergy and my mind is prepared, without hesitation, to lay myself under the most Solemn Obligations to support it, to the Utmost of my Power.

And may that Being, who is supream over all, the Patron of order, the Fountain of Justice, and the Protector, in all Ages, of the World, of virtuous Liberty, continue his Blessing, upon this Nation and its Government and give it all possible Success and duration, consistent with the Ends of his Providence.

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